











,H X. 


















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</> \x 















THE 



MAKING OF HAWAII 



A STUDY IN 
SOCIAL EVOLUTION 



" / 

WILLIAM FREMONT BLACKMAN 

PROFESSOR IN YALE UNIVERSITY 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD. 
1899 

All rights reserved 



Copyright, 1899, 
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 



NormooU ^ksjs 
J. S. dishing & Co. — Berwick & Smith 

Norwood Mass. U.S.A. 






Inscribe* 

WITH LOVE AND GRATITUDE 

TO 

JOHN HOWARD WHITTEMORE 

AND 

JULIA SPENCER WHITTEMORE 



PREFACE 

The Hawaiian Islands afford better facilities, per- 
haps, than any other field for a study of some 
important social problems. This fact is due to the 
blending there of the temperate and the tropical 
climates ; the admixture of divers and widely different 
races; the contact of civilized and nature peoples 
under unique conditions, and with results in some 
respects unexampled, and in all respects instructive; 
the collision of the Christian, the secular, and the 
pagan, each in very vital forms; the rapid evolution 
from a primitive to a highly developed condition of 
the four fundamental and perduring social institutions, 
the family, the church, the state, and property; the 
control of industries by corporations, to an unusual 
degree; the close juxtaposition in recent years of a 
wealthy few and a poor multitude, — and all this 
within narrow and manageable limits of time, of area, 
and of population. 

This work does not purport to be a history of 
the Hawaiian people, but a study of their social, 
political, and moral development. I have omitted 
many facts which would have been indispensable in a 



viii PREFACE 



history, and have included some inquiries, on the other 
hand, which would perhaps have had no proper place 
in a work of that character. And the facts under dis- 
cussion have been put in comparison with similar or 
contrasting facts found in other fields, when these 
seemed either to elucidate, or to be themselves ex- 
plained by, the former. 

These studies were begun more than a decade ago, 
but it is thought that the recent incorporation of 
Hawaii among the territories of the United States 
may give to their publication at the present time a 
pertinence which it otherwise would not have had. 

I have to acknowledge my indebtedness to Mr. C. 
N. Chapin, librarian of the American Board of Com- 
missioners for Foreign Missions, for the loan of several 
important volumes, some of them rare and otherwise 
inaccessible to me; to the Honorable S. B. Dole, 
Professor W. D. Alexander, the Honorable L. A. 
Thurston, and Judge W. F. Frear, of Honolulu, for 
information and advice ; to two friends now dead — 
Dr. and Mrs. Wesley Newcomb, of Ithaca, New 
York — for reminiscences, letters, and documents re- 
lating to the early days ; to Mr. Thomas G. Thrum, 
whose admirable series of Hawaiian Annuals, giving 
for five and twenty years a contemporaneous record 
of island affairs, have made my work possible ; to Mr. 
Albert F. Judd, Jr., of the Yale Law School, who has 
furnished me with several items of information, and 



. 



PREFACE ix 

helped me with the proofs; and in particular to the 
Reverend William Brewster Oleson — now of Warren, 
Massachusetts, but for fifteen years a resident of 
Hawaii and for half that time Principal of the Kame- 
hameha school — who formerly sent me many im- 
portant papers from Honolulu, and who has also done 
me the great favor to read through my book in 
manuscript. I owe to Mr. Oleson's personal familiar- 
ity with Hawaiian affairs, to his careful scholarship, 
and to his sound judgment, many valuable sugges- 
tions and emendations; he must not, however, be held 
responsible for any inaccuracy of statement or other 
defect of matter, and still less for any estimates of 
men, and of policies, which may be found in the book. 
The remark is reported to have been made at a 
dinner party in Honolulu, several years ago, that 
"Yale College runs the government," in allusion to 
the number of her graduates who held conspicuous 
office under the Hawaiian monarchy, or were other- 
wise greatly influential. I venture to felicitate the 
University — and the Hawaiian people also — upon 
the notable and noble part taken by her sons in the 
establishment and the maintenance of civilization in 
"The Paradise of the Pacific." 

WILLIAM FREMONT BLACKMAN. 
Yale University, 

April 25, 1899. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

PAGES 

Preface vii-ix 

Early Period 1-57 

Introductory 1-2 

Race . -. 3-4 

Environment 5-14 

People 14-21 

Political Organization 21-31 

Religion 31-44 

Marriage and the Family . . . . . . . 44-53 

Industries * 53—55 

Festivals and Games 56—57 

Middle Period 58-74 

Conquest 58-62 

Discovery 62-67 

Various Visitors 67-72 

Other Changes 72-74 

Later Period 75-240 

Religion and Morals 75-104 

Constitution and Laws 105-156 

Land Tenure . . . 156-164 

Education 165-180 

Industries and Commerce 180-193 

Movements of Population ....... 194-207 

Decay of Native Population 208-228 

The White Man in the Tropics 229-240 

xi 



xii TABLE OF CONTENTS 

PAGES 

Appendix A. List of Hawaiian Officials .... 241-243 

Appendix B. List of American Missionaries .... 244-245 

Appendix C. Miscellaneous Tables 246-255 

Bibliography 257-262 

Index 263-266 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

The social and political history of Hawaii divides 
itself naturally into three periods — the Early, the 
Middle, and the Later. The first of these embraces 
all events prior to the discovery of the islands by 
Captain James Cook in 1778. The second terminates 
with the arrival of the American missionaries in 1820, 
and includes the conquest and remarkable reign of 
Kamehameha I., the destruction of the tabu system 
and of idolatry, and the first acquaintance of the 
people with western civilization. The third continues 
to the present time. 

The first of these periods fades quickly backward 
into the prehistoric. There being as yet no written 
language, and no hieroglyphic or other archaeological 
remains of importance having survived, the sole 
sources of information respecting that early day are 
the legends, traditions, and genealogies which were 
handed down from lip to lip through many genera- 
tions. If, indeed, one were writing a full history of 
the Hawaiian people, it would be needful for him 
to collect these traditions, sift them with critical 
care, compare them with those found in other groups 



2 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

of Polynesia and elsewhere, and reconstruct from 
them, so far as possible, the ancient story. But this 
is apart from my purpose. Moreover, the task has 
already been accomplished, and with most painstaking 
and affectionate thoroughness. 1 

The results of the inquiry, however, though of 
interest to the antiquary, the ethnologist, and the 
anthropologist, have little in them of direct value 
to the student of sociology. I shall therefore pro- 
ceed at once, after such slight allusion to this mat- 
ter as seems necessary, to describe the condition of 
the Hawaiian people when first brought to the 
knowledge of the civilized world, and shall then 
endeavor to trace the changes which it has undergone 
up to the present time, together with the causes, 
indigenous or introduced, by which these changes 
have been brought about. I shall also make such 
comparisons of the Hawaiian with other primitive 
peoples, as will serve to make more clear, on the 
one hand, the general features of savage and barba- 
rian life, and of the development of human society ; 
and, on the other, those peculiarities of nature and 
of early custom which have so notably qualified the 
subsequent history of this people. 

1 Abraham Fornander, late Circuit Judge of the island of Maui, " The 
Polynesian Race " ; " To my daughter, Catherine Kaonohiulaokalani For- 
nander, this work is dedicated, as a reminder of her mother's ancestors, 
and as a token of her father's love." 






EARLY PERIOD 

RACE 

The origin of the Hawaiian people, and their 
ethnic affinities, is a vexed question. That they 
belong to the same race with the natives of 
New Zealand, and the Marquesas, Society, Samoan, 
Tongan, and other groups of eastern Oceania, 
is proven by the substantial identity of language, 
traditions, religions, and social and political insti- 
tutions, as well as of physical and intellectual 
traits, which prevails throughout that region. The 
Melanesian people, occupying the islands to the 
west, are of a different race, as are the Micro- 
nesians who dwell in the Gilbert, Marshall, Caro- 
line, and Ladrone groups. In distinction from these, 
the Hawaiians and their kindred are called Polyne- 
sians, Malayo- Polynesians, Mahoris, or Sawaioris. 1 
Their progenitors were emigrants from the Indian 
Archipelago — so much seems certain; but here 

1 This name, which is " a compound from Sa-moa, Yiz-wai-i, and Ma- 
ori? was devised and proposed by the Rev. S. J. Whitmee ; see the " Journal 
of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland," vol. viii., 
and the " Encyclopaedia Britannica," ninth edition, article " Polynesia." 

3 



4 THE MAKING OF HAW ATT 

agreement is at an end. Where did they have 
their origin ? " North and South Americans, Malays, 
Papuans, Chinese, and Japanese, and even the lost 
tribes of Israel, have all, at different times, and 
by different writers, been charged with the pater- 
nity of this family, and made responsible for its 
origin and appearance in the Pacific Ocean." 1 

1 Fornander, op. cit., p. i. It is Judge Fornander's rather startling 
" conclusion that the various branches of that family, from New Zealand to 
the Hawaiian group, and from Easter Island to the outlying eastern por- 
tion of the Fiji Archipel, are descended from a people that was agnate to, 
but far older than, the Vedic family of the Arian race ; that it entered 
India before these Vedic Arians ; that there it underwent a mixture with 
the Dravidian race, which, as in the case of the Vedic Arians themselves, 
has permanently affected its complexion ; that there also, in greater or less 
degree, it became moulded to the Cushite-Arabian civilization of that time ; 
that, whether driven out of India by force, or voluntarily leaving for colo- 
nizing purposes, it established itself in the Indian Archipelago at an early 
period, and spread itself from Sumatra to Timor and Luzon ; that here the 
Cushite influence became paramount to such a degree as to completely 
engraft its own legends, myths, culte, and partially institutions, upon the 
folklore and customs of the Polynesians ; that it was followed into this 
archipelago by Bramanised or Buddhist Ario-Dravidians from the eastern 
coasts of Deccan, with a probably strong Burmah-Tibetan admixture, who 
in their turn, but after protracted struggles, obtained the ascendancy, and 
drove the Polynesians to the mountain ranges and the interior of the 
larger islands, or compelled them to leave altogether ; . . . that the 
diversity of features and complexion in the Polynesian family — the fre- 
quently broad forehead, Roman nose, light olive complexion, wavy and 
sometimes ruddy hair — attest as much its Arian descent and Cushite 
connection, as its darker colour, its spreading nostrils, and its black eyes 
attest its mixture with the Dravidian race ; and, finally, that if the pres- 
ent Hindu is a Vedic descendant, the Polynesian is a fortiori a Vedic 
ancestor"; he is "a chip of the same block from which the Hindu, the 
Iranian, and the Indo-European families were fashioned." ( Op. cit., i. 



EARLY PERIOD 



ENVIRONMENT 



Without dwelling on these remote and uncertain 
matters, however, and reserving for a later sec- 
tion the description of the Hawaiian people itself, 
I have now to sketch the environment amidst 
which the race was for many centuries developed, 
and enumerate some of the extrinsic forces which 
wrought upon it, springing from position, climate, 
flora, fauna, consequent food supply, and celestial 
and terrestrial phenomena. 

Perhaps the most salient, and a very influential, insular 
fact in this field is this: that the Hawaiian habitat position 
was a series of islands, 1 sufficiently numerous and 



159, and Preface, p. x.) As to the migration of this people from the Indian 
Archipelago to the islands of the Pacific, it is the opinion of this writer 
that it must have occurred not later than the first or second century 
of the Christian era; and that it terminated first upon the Fiji group, 
whence it rebounded to the northeastward, though not without leaving 
permanent traces of its contact with the Fijians, and reached the Hawaiian 
Archipelago via Tahiti and the Marquesas. Others, however, suppose 
that Samoa was the first island reached and the distributing point for the 
other groups. 

That the Polynesians in the prehistoric time built large sea-going craft, 
were able to guide their course by the stars, and made long voyages, are 
facts too firmly imbedded in their traditions to be called in question, 
though their skill in this particular had departed from them long before 
they were brought to the attention of civilized man. One of their legend- 
ary heroes was named Kamapiikai — "a child running over the sea. 1 ' 

1 The Hawaiian Islands lie between 18 and 23 north latitude and 154 
and 161 west longitude, and are thus distant from San Francisco about 
2100 miles, from Hong Kong about 5000, from Yokohama about 3400, from 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



near together to influence one another decisively, yet 
far enough apart to make communication between 
them difficult; and all of them so small as to give 



Sitka about 2400. The group proper embraces seven inhabited and three 
small uninhabited islands, as follows : — 





Area in Stat. 


Acres 


Height in 


Population, 




Sq. Miles. 


(approx.) 


Feet. 


1896. 


Hawaii 


4,210 


2,000,000 


13,800 


33.285 


Maui . . 










760 


400,000 


10,032 


17,726 


Oahu . . 










600 


360,000 


4,030 


40,205 


Kauai 










59o 


350,000 


4,800 


15,228 


Molokai . 










270 


200,000 


3,000 


2,307 


Lanai . . 










ISO 


100,000 


3,000 


105 


Niihau . 










97 


70,000 


800 


164 


Kahoolawe 










63 


30,000 


I.450 




Lehua . 
















.... 


Molokini 


















Total .... 


6,740 


3,510,000 




109,020 



In addition to the above, the following islands are now included with 
the territory of Hawaii : — 

1. Nihoa, or Bird Island, 500 acres, 244 miles northwest from Honolulu ; 
taken possession of in 1822. 

2. Laysan Island, 2000 acres, 800 miles northwest from Honolulu; 
acquired in 1857. 

3. Lisianski Island, 500 acres, 920 miles northwest from Honolulu; 
acquired in 1857. 

4. Palmyra Island, a cluster of islets, 1 100 miles southwest of Honolulu ; 
taken possession of in 1862. 

5. Ocean Island, 500 acres, 1800 miles northwest from Honolulu; 
acquired in 1886. 

6. Necker Island, 400 acres, 400 miles northwest from Honolulu; 
acquired in 1894. 



EARLY PERIOD 7 

great compactness, homogeneity, narrowness of view, 
energy of inherited habit, persistence of tradition, 
and conservatism of custom to their populations. 
This insular position also hindered the nomadic 
life, frequent migrations, exogamy and marriage by 
capture, and inter-island wars, with consequent politi- 
cal amalgamation. 

The Hawaiian Islands lie at the northern verge climate 
of the torrid zone. The climate, however, is rather 
semi-tropical than tropical, and is in a high degree 
salubrious. It is unintelligent to place a small mid- 
sea island, fanned by ocean winds, in the same cli- 
matic category with continental points lying on the 
same parallel of latitude or even the same isothermal 
line. And Hawaii is not only insular, but it is 
swept by trade-winds and laved by cool oceanic cur- 
rents flowing southward, which reduce its average 
temperature perhaps ten degrees below the point 
which might be expected from its geographical 
position alone. The temperature is also notably 
equable. I have compared about a score of mete- 
orological tables, compiled in different places and 
years, and showing a remarkable uniformity; the 
mean temperature being about 75 Fahr., and the 

7. French Frigate Shoal, scattered reefs, 425 miles northwest from 
Honolulu; acquired in 1895. 

8. Some half dozen other small islands and reefs have been claimed as 
Hawaiian territory, with what right or result I have not been able to learn. 



8 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

difference between midsummer and midwinter being 
about ten degrees. The Hawaiian language has no 
word for "weather." The most important variation 
is due to altitude, the thermometer falling about 
four degrees with every thousand feet of ascent, 
the highest point (Mauna Kea, 13,800 feet) being 
often capped with snow. The east and west shores 
of the islands differ also from one another in cli- 
matic conditions, the former being cooler, with 
heavier rainfall and more vigorous winds; the latter 
being calmer, dryer, warmer. The direct influence 
of these facts on the character of the people, how- 
ever, is obscure. It is a common opinion that a 
warm climate is unfavorable to social development; 
but the history of Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, Phoe- 
nicia, Palestine, Java, and Cambodia in the old world, 
and Mexico, Central America, and Peru in the new, 
show to what heights civilization may rise in hot 
countries. 1 And considering their insular position, 
their limited food supply, and their lack of metals 
and domestic animals, the Hawaiians had certainly 
come to a remarkably advanced stage of development 
when discovered. Perhaps, as Mr. Spencer suggests, 
tropical conditions may, by the easy abundance they 
provide, be favorable to social evolution up to a cer- 
tain point, beyond which they are no longer need- 
ful, becoming at last even a hindrance as not furnish- 

1 Herbert Spencer, "The Principles of Sociology, 11 i. 19-22. 



EARLY PERIOD 9 

ing the stimulus necessary for the highest achieve- 
ments. Probably a hot climate and abundant sunshine 
tend also to beget a cheerful temper, influence health 
and sexual morality by making clothing superfluous, 
and affect home life by diminishing the relative im- 
portance of the domicile and enticing the people con- 
stantly out of doors. 

The Hawaiian Islands are of volcanic origin, being Flora 
the only ones of that nature lying north of the 
equator in the Pacific Ocean. The soil varies greatly 
in fertility. There are broad tracts of sterile lava, 
plains which require irrigation for the raising of 
crops, and valleys of inexhaustible richness. For the 
purposes of this work the aboriginal flora needs to 
be no further described than by pointing out that 
it furnished trees for the construction of canoes and 
implements of industry and of warfare, bark for the 
manufacture of cloth, fibre for the making of mats, 
ropes, and fish-nets, leaves for the thatching of 
houses, and a supply of vegetable food sufficient in 
amount but without much variety. Maize, the culti- 
vation and consumption of which was a factor of so Food supply 
much consequence in the development of the Indian 
tribes of North and South America, was wanting 
in the Hawaiian Islands, as were all the cereals ; but 
the sweet potato (of this, some fifty varieties), 1 the 
yam, and especially the taro, the cocoanut, the bread- 

1 "Annual " for 1879, P- 3°- 



I0 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

fruit, and the banana (of this, about twenty varieties) 1 
were abundant. The ohia (Malay jambo), ohelo, 
akala (raspberry), and poha (Cape gooseberry) were 
also to be found. Sugarcane and arrow-root were 
indigenous in the islands, but of the latter the natives 
'were ignorant of the value and uses. There were 
several kinds of roots, moreover, which were eaten 
in emergencies. "According to J. R. Foster's cal- 
culation, twenty-seven breadfruit trees, which would 
about cover an English acre with their shade, are 
sufficient for the support, during the eight months 
of fruit-bearing, of from ten to twelve people." 2 The 
custom of preserving this fruit for a considerable 
period, by allowing it to ferment, which was found in 
Tahiti and the Marquesas Islands, does not appear to 
have been known in Hawaii. But the yam, fortu- 
nately, ripened during the interval when the bread- 
fruit was scarce or lacking. The taro ox halo* was, 
however, the " staff of life " for the Hawaiian people. 
This root was baked, macerated with a stone pestle, 
made into a thick paste and fermented, when it 
received the name pot, and was devoured in enor- 
mous quantities. The economic importance of this 
vegetable to the people may be seen in the fact that 
forty square feet of taro, properly cultivated, affords 



1 "Annual" for 1890, p. 79. 

1 hrl, "The Races of Man," p. 156. 



Variously called Arum csculentum, Colocasia esculenta, and Colocasia 
antiquorum. 



EARLY PERIOD 1 1 

sustenance to a single person for a year, at which rate 
a square mile would sustain above fifteen thousand 
for a like period. 1 And though it is accounted a dis- 
gusting dish by most travellers, the Hawaiians seem 
never to tire of it. Captain Beechey says that on 
the occasion of his visit to the islands in 1826, those 
natives who had accompanied the king, Liholiho, to 
England always spoke of the lack of poi as a most 
serious inconvenience to them while in that country. 2 
How far the people were confined to a vegetable diet 
will appear in the next paragraph. 

An ancient tradition relates that the first immi- Fauna 
grants brought to the islands the hog, the dog, and 
a pair of fowls. However that may be, these were 
the only domestic animals found there by Cook. 
Of animal life not domestic there was also a scanty 
supply, — a kind of mouse, about fifty species of 
birds, fresh-water shrimps, and fish in moderate 
variety and numbers. Of insects there seem to 
have been few; there were no reptiles save a small 
lizard; and a few ducks were the only game to be 
found. The significance of these facts for the stu- 
dent of sociology is threefold: — 

1. This scarcity of animal life confined the com- 

1 See Haole, "Sandwich Island Notes," p. 122; also u Encyclopaedia 

Britannica," ninth edition, xi. 529. 
9 " Narrative," p. 202. 



12 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

Food supply mon people to a diet chiefly vegetable, wanting in 
variety, diffuse and bulky, and rich in fat-producing 
elements. To this diet may be ascribed, perhaps, 
together with their habit of alternately gorging them- 
selves and fasting according to the state of their 
larder, that corpulency to which travellers make fre- 
quent allusion, and that large abdominal develop- 
ment which Herbert Spencer notes as a common 
characteristic of primitive peoples, apes, and babies. 1 
With more positiveness it may be asserted that the 
entire absence of milk must have had to do with 
the abnormal mortality of infants and children, 
which is so conspicuous and so painful a fact in 
Hawaiian history. Animal food was not altogether 
lacking, however. The people were skilful in catch- 
ing fish, which they often ate raw. Those who could 
afford to do so partook of fowl, pork, and dog. 
This last was regarded as an especially delicious 
dish. Ellis says that the natives of his time (1825) 
regarded the flesh of the dog as sweeter than that 
of the pig, " and much more palatable than that of 
goats or kids," which some refused to touch and 
few cared to eat. 2 He also says that he himself 
had " seen nearly two hundred dogs cooked at one 
time," and he reports a certain royal feast where 
twice that number were baked and devoured. But 



1 "Principles of Sociology, 1 ' i. 45. 

2 "Trmr" rv ->->■-> 



2 "Tour," p. 322. 



EARLY PERIOD 1 3 

while the chiefs and more prosperous people ate 
flesh habitually, the common man had it only at 
rare intervals. 

2. The absence of noxious insects, poisonous Noxious 
serpents, and beasts and birds of prey must have 

had some influence on the psychical development 
and the legends and religious ceremonies of the 
people; for example, their traditions of the creation 
mention only the dog, the hog, and the lizard, and 
they offered sacrifices to the shark. There was also 
no occasion for the constant alertness, the attitude 
of defence, the frequent terror, the toil, and the 
economic loss, which predatory and poisonous ani- 
mals cause in so many tropical regions. 

3. The lack of game, on the one hand, and of Game and 

cattle 

domestic animals, on the other, shut off the Hawai- 
ians both from the hunting and the pastoral life, 
and made them of necessity, and as it were pre- 
maturely, an agricultural folk, — though they were 
also skilful fishermen. They could not pass through 
the three stages which have marked the develop- 
ment of so many peoples, and, indeed, in a general 
way, of the human race. Wanting both space and 
beasts for the nomadic life, they could not evolve 
those institutions which grow out of it. I find no 
trace among them of the patriarchal family, nor 
any such clear divisions into clan and phratrie and 
tribe as elsewhere appear. I shall mention in an- 



14 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

other connection the tools they fashioned for the 
cultivation of the soil ; it is sufficient at this point 
to note how decisive a factor in their development 
was this enforced pursuit of agriculture. As com- 
pared with the hunting life, it must have resulted 
in a more regular and constant activity; a more 
copious but less varied diet; an increase of fore- 
thought, patience, tranquillity of mind, and gentle- 
ness of temper ; and an education of the senses 
and faculties more uniform, but less extreme as 
concerns those which are of special use in the 
chase. As compared with the pastoral life, it must 
have tended toward a more settled and satisfied 
disposition, greater indolence of temper, increased 
attachment to the soil and the domicile, and a con- 
sequent aptitude for higher social and political 
institutions. 

THE PEOPLE 

Physical I have now to sketch the people themselves; and 
traits £ rst as tQ t j ie j r physical traits. All travellers agree 
in pronouncing them a very fine race, — tall, shapely, 
well-featured, robust. Topinard gives the average 
height of adult Polynesians as five feet nine and a 
third inches. 1 Weisbach credits them with nearly 
two-thirds of an inch more, though he makes the 
Hawaiians slightly shorter than the average Polyne- 

1 u Anthropology, 11 p. 320. 



EARLY PERIOD 1 5 

sian. 1 " Haole " found a skeleton in a catacomb at 
Waimea, formerly used as a burial place for the 
chiefs, which was six feet seven and three-quarters 
inches in length. 2 According to the measurements 
compiled by Topinard, the Hawaiians have greater 
manual strength than the Micronesians, Australians, 
Negroes, Iroquois, Chinese, French seamen (Ran- 
sonnet), or American soldiers (Gould) ; and are only 
surpassed by the Iroquois in strength of back. 3 
Cook noted a " few instances of corpulence " among 
them ; and Mr. Armstrong described the Marque- 
sians as not displaying " that egregious corpu- 
lency which often renders the Hawaiian such a 
gross and swinish being." 4 As is frequently the 
case among primitive peoples, the Hawaiian ideal 
of female loveliness included embonpoint. The teeth 
are usually sound, regular, and beautiful, — a fact 
sometimes ascribed to the universal habit of eating 
cold food. The typical skull is slightly progna- 
thous and sub-dolichocephalic. The children are 
precocious, and the age of puberty arrives early, as 
does that of ripeness and decay. In power of re- 
sistance to disease, the natives are in general infe- 
rior to Europeans and Americans, as may be seen 



1 Quoted in Quatrefages, "The Human Species," p. 60. 

2 "The Sandwich Islands," p. 362. 
8 Op. cit., p. 400. 

4 " Hawaiian Spectator," i. 9. 



i6 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



Superiority 
of chiefs 



Psychical 
traits 



in the relative mortality attending the several epi- 
demics which have visited the islands, as well as 
the fact that they suffer more, and succumb sooner, 
on taking up their residence in the less healthful 
islands to the southwest. 1 

The marked superiority, physical and otherwise, 
of the chiefs as compared with the common people, 
formerly led many to suppose them the descendants 
of a distinct and conquering race. Westermarck, 
who usually forms his opinions with more caution 
and on better grounds, has adopted this untenable 
notion. 2 Chiefs and people are almost certainly of 
one race here, as among the Tahitians, Tongans, 
Fijians, and other nature peoples where a like differ- 
ence is seen. The chiefly families represent the 
race after having been full-fed, protected, relieved 
of undue burdens, /omi-lomz'-ed, 8 honored, and trained 
in freedom and self-respect from immemorial times ; 
the " masses " show what the physical and hereditary 
effects of hunger, exposure, excessive though irregu- 
lar toil, political tyranny, ignorance, and slavish fear 
can do for man. 

Synthesizing the accounts of explorers, travellers, 
missionaries, and others, and making allowance for 
differences between individuals and the notable 



1 "Encyclopaedia Britannica," ninth edition, xix. 421. 

2 " History of Human Marriage, 11 p. 369. 
8 A sort of aboriginal massage treatment. 



EARLY PERIOD 1 7 

superiority of the chiefs, the early Hawaiians appear 
to have had an inquisitive disposition, marking their 
superiority over such incurious peoples as the 
Fuegians and Bushmen ; acuteness of sense and 
powers of observation of a high grade, though in- 
ferior to those of many hunting races ; an intellect 
nimble and surprisingly apt in acquiring the power 
to read and to solve mathematical problems; con- 
siderable imaginative subtlety, seen in the develop- 
ment of their cosmogony, and Pantheon of gods ; 
the usual relative inability of primitive peoples to 
form abstract ideas, follow logical processes, and trace 
effects to their ultimate, obscure causes ; 1 decided 
poetical and oratorical ability, coupled with great 
power to mimic and to memorize; a nature frank, 2 
impulsive, volatile, careless, mirthful, hospitable yet 
often pitiless, mild yet passionate, gregarious, indolent 
though capable of great and sustained exertion, and 
happily forced into a degree of industry unusual 
within the tropics, by the comparative infertility of 
considerable areas of the soil. 8 

1 Pickering states that the Fijians were " the only savage people he had 
met with who could give reasons, and with whom it was possible to hold 
a connected conversation." (Cited by Herbert Spencer, "Principles of 
Sociology," i. 80.) 

' 2 " I never met with a behavior so free from reserve and suspicion in 
my intercourse with any tribe of savages, as we experienced in the people 
of this island [Hawaii]." (Cook, "A Voyage," etc., ii. 540.) 

;5 Le Bon ("The Psychology of Peoples," 1898, p. 29 sq.) gives as the 
psychical traits of primitive peoples, "relative incapacity to reason, con- 



1 8 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

Language These and other characteristics of the early 

tions Hawaiians are illustrated in their language and 

legends. The former was almost wholly wanting 
in generic and abstract terms, though especially 
rich in specific names and epithets. 1 Thus, it had 
no word for "gratitude" or "virtue." The "brutish, 
inarticulate interjection " abounded. There was such 
a dearth of consonantal elements and consequent 
overplus of vowel sounds — with one of which 
the syllable invariably ended — as gave an open- 
ness, a fluidity, an emotive richness, and, as it 
were, an intellectual indefiniteness to the spoken 
tongue, expressive of the character of the people 
who used it. There being no written language — 
not even the picture-writing so frequently devised 
by primitive races 2 — legends and traditions, many 
of them substantially identical with those found in 
other Polynesian groups, were handed on from gen- 
eration to generation, by a hereditary and highly 
honored class of bards. A considerable number of 
these meles or chants have been preserved by native 
scholars, and by Ellis, Gray, Bastian, Fornander, and 
others. Some of them are religious, being prayers 

sequent great credulity, feeble powers of attention, observation, and reflec- 
tion, dominant imitative faculty, extreme mobility of character, and want 
of foresight." 

1 Andrews, "Grammar," p. 19. 

2 The so-called "pictured rocks" which are found on Oahu, Molokai, 
and Kauai were probably not decorated by Hawaiians, unless under the 
instruction of another race. 






EARLY PERIOD 1 9 

or prophecies ; some are inoas, or name-songs, " com- 
posed at the birth of a chief in his honor, recount- 
ing the exploits of his ancestors," etc. ; some are 
kanikaus, or dirges ; some are tftos, or love-songs ; 1 
and there are several other kinds. In form these 
meles are a sort of recitative, without rhyme or 
regular metre, repetitious, often alliterative, and 
sometimes having a parallelism very like that of 
the Hebrew psalms. In spirit many of them 
are strikingly poetic. They have in their syllables 
the dash of the surf, the cry of the wind, and the 
warmth of the tropical sun. They are aromatic 
with the flavors of the field and the salt sea. 
They are reminiscent of a cherished past, and 
vibrant with the joy or grief of the human spirit. 
Wilkes says, " none of their songs, dirges, or other 
poetic effusions, have any allusion " to the marriage 
tie ; nor are there " any terms in the language to 
express connubial bliss." 2 Partly to correct this 
statement — which is unhappily near the truth — 
but chiefly to illustrate the form and spirit of the 
early Hawaiian mele, I quote the song of Lo-Lale 
when deserted by his wife Kelea: — 

" Farewell, my partner on the lowland plains, 
On the waters of Pohakea, 
Above Kanehoa, 
On the dark mountain spur of Maunauna. 

1 Alexander, " History," p. 93. * 2 "Narrative,' 1 iv. 45. 



20 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

O Lihue she is gone ! 

Sniff the sweet scent of the grass, 

The sweet scent of the wild vines, 

That are twisted about by (the brook) Waikoloa, 

By the winds of Waiopua, 

My flower ! 

As if a mote were in my eye, 

The pupil of my eye is troubled, 

Dimness (covers) my eyes. Woe is me ! Oh ! " * 

This literary gift belonging from the first to the 
Hawaiian people was afterward turned to account 
by Kamehameha IV. in translating the English 
Prayer Book into his own tongue ; by Liliuokalani, 
the recently deposed queen, in writing He Mele 
Lahui Hawaii;' 1 by David Malo, Hon. S. M. 
Kamakau, Kalakaua, and others in preserving the 
folklore and historical remains of the early time; 
and by numerous poets and preachers in enriching 
the literature of the people. As is usual, the lyric 
Music talent was accompanied by talent musical. Divers 
kinds of drums, flute-like instruments made of 
gourds or bamboo, and a sort of- guitar were used 
by them, and singing was a universal accomplish- 
ment. In Cook's "Voyage," it is asserted, and in- 
sisted upon, that the natives sang in " parts." 8 But 
that would imply a degree of development unpre- 
cedented among primitive peoples, and is not, I 

1 Fornander, op. cit., ii. 85. 

2 Words and music published in the u Hawaiian Club Papers, 11 Boston, 
1868, p. 116. 3 iii. 143. 



EARLY PERIOD 21 

think, to be accepted. Their song was almost 
certainly, until modified by their contact with Eu- 
ropeans, nothing other than a sort of chant, or 
recitative, or rhythmic declamation. Some of the 
early missionaries — as ignorant as the explorers 
aforesaid of the character of primitive music — 
doubted whether the natives could easily be taught 
to sing. 1 They already sang skilfully after their 
own fashion, and soon learned to sing with equal 
skill after ours. 

POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 

Of the gentile organization, which is so widely 
extended and interesting a feature of early society, 
there seems to be no trace among the Hawaiian 
or other Polynesian peoples; 2 perhaps an insular posi- 
tion, especially where the islands are small and scat- 
tered, is not favorable to its development. Prior to 
the solidification of the entire archipelago into one 
feudal state, the population may be said to have been 
divided into three general classes, — the nobility, the 
priests, and the common people. 

Each of these classes, however, was subdivided into classes 
several. The kings of the different islands, the head- 
men of the districts, the chiefs of the villages, the 
numerous grades of priests, the agriculturists and 

1 See "Missionary Herald," xxiii. 146. 

2 See Morgan, "Ancient Society, 1 ' p. 375. 



22 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

artisans, and the slaves taken in war, constituted a 
society of which the ranks were in general hereditary 
as regards dignity, but not as regards office and func- 
tion. The throne, e.g., was hereditary in the ruling 
family, but the sovereign had it within his power to 
name his successor, failing which, the chiefs chose a 
king from among those of highest rank. Once es- 
tablished, the monarch could create or debase chiefs 
at his will. The origin of these class distinctions it is 
impossible to trace. Manifestly, they were increased 
in number, differentiated in dignity, and given per- 
manence, by war between different islands or different 
districts of the same island. But whether they took 
their rise in seniority of age, or a chance superior- 
ity of physical or mental strength, or otherwise, can- 
not be determined. However originating, they be- 
came exceedingly sharp, and had great influence on 
life and character. There being no distinction be- 
tween civil, military, social, and ecclesiastical head- 
ship, or between the legislative, executive, and judicial 
functions, vast and irresponsible power was concen- 
trated in the hands of the ruling classes. The king 
and the tabu (or sacred) chiefs were deemed of di- 
vine lineage and authority. " It was death for a com- 
mon man to remain standing at the mention of the 
king's name in song, or when the king's food, drink- 
ing-water, or clothing was carried past ; to put on any 
article of dress belonging to him; to enter his inclo- 



EARLY PERIOD 23 

sure without permission ; or even to cross his shadow 
or that of his house. If he entered the dread pres- 
ence of the sovereign, he must crawl, prone on the 
ground, kolokolo, and leave it in the same manner." 1 
While living the king had absolute power over 
the lives, services, and property of all his subjects; 
and when he died there ensued — more perhaps as 
a testimony that all law was incarnate in his person, 
and all restraint removed by his death, than of grief 
at his departure — a carnival of anarchy and crime. 
A like reverence was felt for the chiefs, according 
to their several grades. How large the court was 
which gathered around them may be surmised from 
the account given by Stewart of the young chief 
apparently not three years old whom he saw walk- 
ing the streets of Honolulu, stark naked except for 
a pair of green morocco shoes, and followed by a 
suite of twenty or twenty-five men and boys, carry- 
ing umbrellas, spittoons, kahilis, fans, and other 
royal paraphernalia. A chief having asked advice 
from a friend of mine, resident in the same city, as 
to the training of a refractory son, and being coun- 
selled to chastise him, expressed something like 
horror at the idea; the boy being, through the 
female line, of higher rank than himself. So For- 
nander reports an ancient legend concerning a 
father who was about to strike a stepson, when the 

1 Alexander, op. cit., p. 27. 



24 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

mother interfered and revealed the chiefly rank of 
the youth, whereupon "the astonished stepfather 
stepped back in dismay." 1 This reverence for high 
rank, and its power over the lives of the people, is 
further illustrated by the custom, common, I think, 
throughout Polynesia, of substituting new names 
for persons or things when the old were found to 
be similar to that of the king — a custom which in 
Tahiti led to the adoption of piti, " together," instead 
of rua, "two"; and/#£, "part," instead of rima, "hand " 
or "five" — substitutions which are perpetuated in 
the translation of John's Gospel made at the time. 2 
That this extreme love and reverence for their chiefs 
was the decisive influence in turning the people to 
Christianity, and in shaping the political and consti- 
tutional history of the country, will appear further on. 
Councils The more important chiefs had considerable in- 
fluence with the king also, being generally sum- 
moned in council whenever any matter of vital 
consequence was to be determined. This quasi- 
legislative body probably grew out of the earlier 
council of war, as it afterward developed into the 
House of Nobles. Its deliverances, however, were 
only advisory. " Sometimes the question of war or 
peace was deliberated in a public meeting of chiefs 
and warriors, and these public assemblies furnished 
occasion for the most powerful displays of native 

1 Op. cit., ii. 74. 2 Tylor, " Primitive Culture," i. 200 






EARLY PERIOD 25 

eloquence," which must have been " at once bold in 
sentiment, beautiful in imagery, and in effect almost 
irresistible." 1 

I shall hereafter trace the history of land titles Land tenure 
more fully than is here desirable. It is sufficient to 
note that when the islands were discovered a feudal 
system was in existence which soon afterward became 
as complete and rigorous as any the world has 
ever seen. The king was in theory the owner of all 
the soil ; the head chiefs were his beneficiaries ; de- 
pendent on them were the lesser chiefs, the landlords ; 
and under these the common people were " tenants at 
will." " Not unfrequently lands were divided out to 
the seventh degree." Protection trickled downward 
from king to serf; and fealty, service, and tribute 
passed upward from serf to king. The very fish in 
the sea were the property of the crown. 

The mode and extent of taxation were such as Taxation 
would naturally accompany such a system. The king 
issued his demands to the principal chiefs, who in 
turn levied for the king and for themselves upon 
the people. The petty chiefs afterward secured what 
they could. 2 An annual tribute of produce was 
expected — hogs, dogs, fish, fowls, potatoes, yams, 
taro, feathers, etc. ; and of such manufactured articles 
as canoes, fishing-nets, kapa (cloth), and mats. Later, 
sandalwood was added ; and still later, coin. Special 

1 Ellis, "Tour, 11 p. 120. 2 Op. cit., p. 396. 



26 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

levies at any time and for any amount, the king 
added at his pleasure. Stewart tells the melancholy 
story of a family who had secreted and fatted a pig, 
and set apart a day for the feast. The pig was 
baking when the caterer of the royal household, at- 
tracted by the savory odor, entered the hut, waited till 
the cooking was done, and bore the smoking dainty 
away for his master's table. Such events were 
common. Additional " gifts " of first-fruits were also 
expected. Moreover, the vassals were compelled to 
till the soil and do other work for their chiefs ; while 
the king, on the occasion of building a house or 
executing any other royal work, impressed the people 
into his service without pity. When the sandalwood 
trade with China sprang up, these labor exactions 
became exceedingly oppressive. And when the afore- 
said houses were completed, their ingenious owners 
threw them open to the public, exacting an admit- 
tance fee, which amounted in one case, so late as 
the time of Ellis, to two thousand dollars in a single 
day. It is the opinion of careful observers that in 
these several ways, the chiefs absorbed two-thirds of 
the income of the common people. 
Laws The sole source of positive law among the Ha- 

w r aiians was the will of the monarch, who centred in 
himself the legislative, executive, and judicial func- 
tions, all of which were reenforced by his position 
as head of the hierarchy and representative of the 



EARLY PERIOD 2J 

gods. This will was made known to his subjects 
through heralds. The people, however, had influ- 
ence, direct and indirect, in the framing of laws. 
Their direct influence was exerted through the 
council of chiefs referred to already, which was 
summoned by the king on important occasions, and 
whose advice was usually followed. And these chiefs, 
though themselves clothed with vast arbitrary power, 
were to a considerable degree dependent on the good- 
will of their vassals, inasmuch as these might desert 
them at any time for the service of a more popular 
suzerain. The indirect influence of the people 
was felt through the consciousness on the part of the 
sovereign that there were limits to their patience, 
beyond which it was dangerous to pass. His rule 
was in truth " a despotism tempered by assassination." 

But a far more powerful and wholesome check Customary 
was imposed on the arbitrary action of the king by 
customary law. Originating doubtless, for the most 
part, in successive royal decrees, but tested by time 
and utility and the popular consent, this traditional 
code had become a kind of constitution. There 
was a class of men whose business it was " to re- 
hearse proverbs and other instructions as handed 
down from ancestors." 1 One such tradition, pre- 
served by Fornander, 2 was of Mailikukahi, an early 
king of Oahu, who caused that island to be surveyed, 

1 Dibble, "History,' 1 p. 93. 2 Op- tit., ii. 89. 



28 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

established boundaries, enacted criminal laws, pro- 
vided for the political training of first-born male 
children, and discountenanced human sacrifices. 
These traditions, which constituted what may be 
called the Hawaiian common law, were revered by 
the people themselves if possible even more than 
by the kings ; and though they served in some re- 
spects to make yet more rigid and cruel the oppres- 
sion under which they lived, they also served in 
other respects to regulate and attemper it. The 
subjects to which these customary laws mostly re- 
lated were religious and customary observances, 
marriage and the family relation, land titles, irriga- 
tion, property rights, personal security, and barter, 
justice In case of aggression on person or property, private 

retaliation was the first resort. If the injured indi- 
vidual felt himself too weak for this, he appealed for 
help in the avenging of his wrongs to kindred or 
chief — a custom which here and elsewhere, however 
barbaric it may now seem, had the excellent effect 
of increasing the tribal as against the merely individ- 
ual instinct, and putting primitive man under bonds 
to his own kindred — whom otherwise he would in- 
volve with himself in trouble — to keep the peace. 
But a sort of litigation was also common, showing a 
yet more advanced stage of development. The king 
was the chief magistrate ; the various chiefs had in- 
ferior jurisdiction in their own territories. The court 






EARLY PERIOD 29 

of justice was the house or yard of the magistrate, 
where plaintiff and defendant were brought face to 
face, and heard. The only police was the body of 
retainers that surrounded king and chiefs. The 
ordeal was frequently used, under the direction of the 
priests, as a test of guilt. An appeal might be made 
from the inferior to the superior chiefs, and from them 
to the king. I find enumerated among the penalties 
pronounced, "digging out the eyes, taking off the 
arms at the elbow joint, or the leg at the knee, or 
other inflictions of a similar character," 1 banishment 
to another island, and death. In aggravated cases of 
theft, the culprit was bound in a leaky boat and set 
adrift. When decapitation was decreed, it was usu- 
ally performed in a stealthy manner by an execu- 
tioner at night, when the victim was asleep. 

The Hawaiians had no standing army. Substan- Military 
tially the whole adult population was subject to the 
incidence of military obligation. When hostilities 
were determined upon, recruiting officers were sent 
out to summon as many warriors as might be needed. 
If any did not come, after due summons, a second 
officer was sent, who " cut or slit one of their ears, 
tied a rope around their body, and in this manner 
led them to the camp." 2 The priests, after sacrificing 
and making prayer in the temples, accompanied the 
army to the field, bearing the idols with them, and 

1 Dibble, op. tit., p. 123. 2 Ellis, " Tour, 1 ' p. 122. 



organization 



3<D THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

offering to the gods the body of the first enemy slain ; 
while the women were often found in the thick of the 
fray, carrying in their hands extra weapons or a cala- 
bash of food for their husbands or caring for them 
when wounded. In times of peace, the people were 
subjected to frequent drills. Their weapons were the 
spear, the javelin, the dagger, the club, and the sling, 
which they were trained to use with great skill. Oc- 
casionally, inter-island wars were waged in fleets of 
canoes, but more generally on land ; and vicarious 
encounters between champions, like that of David 
and Goliath, were common. Such non-combatants as 
there were retreated, during the progress of hostilities, 
to the pali — enclosures having high and exceedingly 
thick walls of stone and embracing a cave or a spring 
of water — or to almost inaccessible mountain fast- 
nesses. Battles were waged with great fury and 
without mercy, and prisoners were ruthlessly put to 
death or enslaved. 

A fact of some interest is, that the bow and 
arrow, though employed for pastime in the shooting 
of mice, had fallen into disuse among the Hawaiians, 
as also throughout Polynesia, as a military weapon. 
Along with this goes, of course, the fact that they 
made no use of poisoned arrows, a specially cruel 
and embruting mode of warfare which has been 
adopted almost everywhere else by primitive and 
half-civilized man. I incline to adopt Peschel's opin- 



EARLY PERIOD 3 1 

ion, which has met with criticism, that this disuse 
of the bow in Polynesian warfare was due to the 
lack of game, which prevented their being a hunt- 
ing people, and rendered them inexpert in the use 
of a weapon especially suited to the chase, and re- 
quiring constant practice for its skilful manipula- 
tion. If this explanation is correct, it makes an 
important and suggestive addition to the account 
already given of the influence of habitat and environ- 
ment on life. 

RELIGION 

The religion of the early Hawaiians is a subject 
of great interest and complexity. I have here only 
to indicate its outlines and general character. 1 The 
people were in a high degree religious by nature. 
Their pantheon of gods was populous. 2 Of these, 
three were regarded as deities essential and un- 
create ; viz., Kane, Ku, and Lono. It is Fornander's Deities 
opinion 3 that these three, equal in nature, but dis- 
tinct in attributes, constituted a triad and were wor- 
shipped jointly as one god " under the grand and 

1 Chapters vi.-xii. of Alexander's " History," by far the most valuable part 
of the work, constitute the freshest and most thorough treatment of this 
subject to be found ; to which should be added " Papers of the Hawaiian 
Historical Society," No. 2, being an account of "The Lesser Hawaiian 
Gods," by J. S. Emerson (Honolulu, 1892). 

2 Bastian ("Zur Kenntniss Hawaiis," pp. 13-20) gives an exhaustive 
list of these gods, with some account of their rank and functions. 

8 Op. cit., i. 61. 



32 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

mysterious name of Hika po loa" Kane was es- 
teemed superior to the other two, and almost benevo- 
lent; Ku was the essence of darkness and cruelty; 
Lono was more intimately associated with the 
human, especially with the traditions of early kings. 
Captain Cook was worshipped as a theophany, or 
incarnation, of Lono. To this trinity of gods was 
added Kanaloa, a younger brother of the great 
Kane. The lesser divinities were innumerable and 
of many grades and functions. Sky, sea, and land 
were full of them. They wrought in the powers 
and phenomena of nature, — wind, tempest, thunder, 
lightning, earthquake, volcanic eruption, meteoric 
display. Families had their tutelary gods, frequently 
the shades of apotheosized ancestors. The several 
trades and occupations had their special deities, as, 
e.g., bird-catchers, canoe-makers, fishermen, agricultu- 
rists, kafta-beaters, Au la-dancers, thieves, gamblers, 
sorcerers, necromancers. Deities were incarnate in 
various animals and plants, as, e.g., the hog, dog, and 
mouse among mammals; the domestic fowl, the wild 
goose, the mud hen, the owl, and the plover among 
birds ; the shark, the eel, the shrimp, the squid, the 
cowry, and the limpet among fishes and marine ani- 
mals ; the lizard among reptiles ; the sandalwood, 
gourd, sugarcane, bramble, banana, and cocoanut, 
among trees and plants. 1 Disease and death were 

1 Emerson, op. cit., pp. 8-15. 



EARLY PERIOD 33 

regarded as the work of deities. Insane persons 
were sometimes, though not invariably, esteemed in- 
spired. 1 Whether delirium, hysteria, epilepsy, sneez- 
ing, yawning, etc., were also ascribed to a divine 
possession, I have been unable to discover direct 
testimony. It is to be assumed, however, that such 
was the case, in accordance with the usual belief 
among nature peoples. To the number of these 
early gods there have been added, it must be con- 
fessed, two more by Christian missionaries, viz., 
Jehovah and the Bible; for while these have in a 
multitude of cases destroyed polytheism, they have 
served in other cases, especially during the recent 
revival of paganism, to enrich it with fresh but not 
exclusive objects of worship. 2 

That idolatry was a common practice among the idolatry 
Hawaiians is less a proof of their degradation, as 
the early missionaries complained, than of their 
comparative advancement toward civilization. The 
lowest tribes, such as the Bushmen, Australians, 
Fuegians, Juangs, and Andamanese, have neither 
fetishes nor idols. Fetishism is an organization and 
expression of the religious instinct which implies 
some reflection, — a statement which is yet more 

1 Captain Cook's party met two persons who were "disordered in their 
minds," and noted that " particular attention and respect [were] paid to 
them " (iii. 131) ; on the other hand, Stewart saw a lunatic stoned (1823), 
and says that this was a customary practice. 

2 Emerson, op. at., p. 7. 



34 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

manifestly true of idolatry. Both existed among 
the Hawaiians, but the latter was more character- 
istic of their religion. 
Temples Equally indicative of a higher and increasing 
development was the place occupied by the heiaus, 
or temples, in the Hawaiian religion. Of these, 
the earliest were " open, truncated, pyramidal " struc- 
tures, while the later were rectangular, walled, and 
shut off from the people outside. 1 In the change 
to the rectangular form we may trace the growth 
of architectural skill, while the addition of excluding 
walls testifies to a ritual less popular and to the 
increased power of the sacerdotal idea and class. 
The number of these temples, of various grades, 
was very great. Ellis relates that he counted nine- 
teen in a single day's journey, during which he saw 
only about seven hundred dwellings. 2 A temple 
measured by Cheever was found to be two hundred 
and ninety feet long and one hundred and twenty- 
five feet broad, having walls twenty feet high and 
thirty feet thick at the base. There were also 
puuhonuas, or sanctuaries, to which criminals, war- 
riors worsted in battle, and others in peril for their 
lives might flee, and where they were safe. One 
such place of refuge at Honaunau was examined 
by Ellis and found to be seven hundred and fifteen 
feet in length and four hundred and four feet in 

Pomander, op. cit.. ii. 59. '"Tour,' 1 p. 91. 



EARLY PERIOD 35 

breadth, with walls twelve feet high and fifteen feet 
thick. 

The civil and ecclesiastical authorities were not Priesthood 
yet greatly differentiated. The king was supreme 
in both spheres. The highest chiefs were sacred 
as to their persons, and often officiated as priests ; 
while the priests, on the other hand, were reckoned 
among the nobility, whose privileges and perquisites 
they largely shared. Of these, there were many 
orders and sub-orders. The great high priest 
kept the national war god, and was in close rela- 
tions with the monarch. Others were charged 
with the duty of perpetuating the traditions of the 
people, together with such medical, astronomical, and 
other science as there was. They also had the 
power to designate the victims when human sacri- 
fices were to be offered, 1 and they often had lands 
set apart for their especial use, and large revenues, 
which they managed thriftily. They not only offi- 
ciated in public and private worship, but were con- 
sulted as oracles also. They offered sacrifices when 
a new house was to be begun, and after its com- 

1 Human sacrifices were offered only on special occasions, such as the 
dedication of a temple, the launching of a war canoe, the building of a 
house for a chief, the sickness of a king or queen, the burial of a chief. 
The victims were always males, and usually prisoners of war or criminals. 
After being slain, their bodies were piled in heaps with hogs, and left to 
putrefy. Jarves ("History," p. 30) says that as many as eighty persons 
were sometimes immolated at once. 



36 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

pletion slept in it a night or two before its owner 
dared occupy it for fear of evil spirits. Disease 
and death being regarded as the work of demons, 
certain of the priests were constantly called upon 
to interfere on behalf of the sick. " Praying to 
death " was a frequent practice. 1 Besides these 
medicine-men, there were necromancers, sorcerers, 
diviners, fortune-tellers, soothsayers, and astrologers. 
And through all these several relations with gods, 
royalty, and the common people, the sacerdotal 
orders contrived to gather into their hands a large 
amount of social and political influence. Few primi- 
tive peoples, indeed, have developed so complex and 
powerful a hierarchy as the Hawaiians, one evidence 
among many of the notable aptitude for organiza- 
tion possessed by them. 
Death In common with most nature peoples, the Ha- 

waiians believed that every man has a " double " or 
second soul. Whether or not this belief was caused 
by reflection on the phenomena of shadows, echoes, 
dreams, and the like, it profoundly influenced their 

1 Stewart ("Residence, 1 ' p. 203) describes the experience of the victim 
against whom these fervent and effectual "prayers " were directed : — 

" Anxiety is awakened ; his mind becomes filled with pictures of death ; 
he cannot sleep ; his spirits sink ; his appetite fails . . . and the effects of 
his imaginary fears become the real causes of the evil he deprecates. 
Finding his health and strength affected by these natural but unperceived 
causes, he considers his fate inevitable ; refuses all nourishment as un- 
necessary and unavailing ; pines, languishes, and dies, beneath the influ- 
ence of his own ignorance and superstition." 



EARLY PERIOD 37 

customs. Catalepsy or trance they regarded as a 
temporary departure of the double, who, encounter- 
ing some friendly spirit, was sent back to the body. 
At death there was no return. The ghost, how- 
ever, was supposed to linger near the corpse for 
a season, powerful enough at first to strangle its 
enemies, but growing weaker, and leaping off a 
precipice at last into Hades, or conducted by the 
gods to its final abode. Battle-fields and various 
other places were believed to be haunted, and there 
occurred malicious marchings of ghosts in proces- 
sion, whom it was death to meet. " If the people 
were to see a party carrying a dead body past 
their houses, they would abuse them, or even throw 
stones at them, for not taking it some other way, 
supposing the spirit would return to and fro to the 
former abode of the deceased by the path along 
which the body had been borne to the place of 
interment." 1 This was often a cavern, and in it 
the corpse, sometimes salted and dried, and bound 
in a sitting posture, was deposited. In the case 
of chiefs, however, the flesh was stripped from 
the bones, the latter being wrapped in a bundle, 
saluted with worship and a sacrifice, which com- 
pleted the apotheosis of the dead, and deposited 
in caverns or given to relatives, who carried them 
on their persons as charms. In the cult of Pele, 

1 Ellis, "Tour," p. 336. 



38 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

the volcano goddess, a part of the bones were flung 
into the crater, with the expectation that the spirit 
of the deceased would thus be " admitted to the 
society of the volcano deities, and that their influ- 
ence would preserve the survivors from the ravages 
of volcanic fire." For a like reason fishermen some- 
times gave their dead to the sharks, supposing that 
these would be prevented by the soul, which entered 
into them, from devouring its friends. Herbert Spen- 
cer's opinion that the entire or partial embalming of 
the body, common among primitive peoples, was an 
effort to preserve it entire for the uses of the departed 
ghost if this should return, as in the case of trance, 
or against the time of final resurrection 1 — while it 
agrees well enough with the Hawaiian custom, men- 
tioned above, of salting and drying the corpse of the 
dead commoner — seems to encounter contradiction 
from their habit of mutilating the bodies of departed 
chiefs. And this is all the more true, if Alexander's 
interpretation of the fire which was kept burning on 
the grave for several days previous to the exhuming 
and dismemberment of the body be accepted ; viz., that 
it was intended to hasten decomposition. 2 It is cer- 
tainly, however, more in harmony with general primi- 
tive custom to suppose that this fire was meant for 
the comfort of the ghost, as were the calabashes of 
food and drink which were usually placed at the 
1 Op. cit., i. 163, 166. 2 Op. tit., p. 74. 



EARLY PERIOD 39 

tomb, and the human sacrifices which provided com- 
pany and service for the defunct king in his wan- 
derings through the region and shadow of death. 

The mourning customs of the Hawaiians were Mourning 
extravagant, expensive, painful, and often in a high customs 
degree demoralizing. Among the most picturesque 
and least harmful of these was the practice of wail- 
ing, whether by the bereaved in propria persona or 
vicariously through hired mourners. 

" The word which they pronounce in wailing is l au-we I ' ' au-we / ' 
' alas ! alas ! ' — prolonging the sound of the last syllable, sometimes 
for many minutes, with a trembling and agitated shaking of the voice — 
the confusion and discord thus created is terrific. The attitudes of 
figure are as various as the tones of the voice. Some stand upright, 
casting their arms and faces towards heaven, with the eyes closed and 
mouth widely distended. Some bend forward, their faces almost to 
the ground, and their hands placed against their knees, or violently 
pressed into their sides, as if in excruciating, internal agony ; others 
clench their hands into the hair on each side of their heads, as if to 
tear it out by the roots; and all seem to emulate one another in 
attempts at the most hideous grimaces and painful distortions, while 
torrents of tears flow from their heads to their feet." x 

These antic demonstrations were accompanied by Mutilations 
others more serious, as the knocking out of one or 
more front teeth, the tattooing of the tongue, the 
mutilating of the ears, the scooping out of the eyes, 
the burning or cutting of the flesh. The obvious 
and usual interpretation of these ceremonies is, that 
they were merely an expression of grief. Captain 

1 Stewart, "Residence," p. 172. 



40 THE MAKING OF HAW AH 

Cook, however, anticipating and confirming the 
opinion of recent scholars, says of entirely similar cus- 
toms, observed elsewhere, that he always understood 
them to be, not so much a symbol of sorrow, as a 
" propitiatory to the Atoa, to avert any possible dan- 
ger or mischief from the survivors." 1 They were, 
that is, rather religious and political than personal in 
character, involving a recognition of superior rank, 
on the one hand, and of divine power, on the other. 
This was especially marked at the death of a king, 
when, in addition to the self-mutilations aforesaid, 
there was a period of utter anarchy, during which 
" every vice and crime was allowed. Property was 
destroyed, houses fired, and old feuds revived and 
revenged. Gambling, thefts, and murder were as 
open as the day; clothing was cast aside as a useless 
encumbrance ; drunkenness and promiscuous prosti- 
tution prevailed throughout the land ; no women, 
excepting the widows of the deceased, being exempt 
from the grossest violation." 2 A like phenomenon 
has been observed at Jenna. 3 And in both cases, 
it seems to me less a token of grief, or a proof of 
the total depravity of the natural man, than a curi- 
ous and striking exhibition of the primitive belief 
that all law, divine and human, is incarnate in the 

1 Op. cit., vii. 149. 

2 Jarves, op. cit., p. 66. 

8 R. and J. Lander, " Niger Expedition " ; quoted by Lubbock, " Origin," 
etc., p. 269. 



EARLY PERIOD 4 1 

person of the king, at whose death it is therefore 
annulled. A somewhat similar proof of the absence 
of abstract ideas among the Hawaiians, and of the 
complete supremacy of the privileged classes over 
the lives of the common people, is the fact noted 
by Ellis that they were accustomed to ascribe such 
vague notions of a future state as they possessed, 
not to their own meditations, conjectures, and hopes, 
but to the visions and dreams of the priests. 1 

In like manner, the tabu was at once religious Tabu 
and political. This extraordinary institution, which 
was found throughout Polynesia, was a system of 
prohibitions of an exceedingly complicated and 
strenuous nature, the violation of which was at 
once a sin and a crime, and was punished with 
death. There were regular tabu seasons, sacred to 
the greater gods, and particular seasons proclaimed 
and ended by the chiefs. During the more strict 
of these periods "every fire and light on the island 
or district must be extinguished ; no canoe must be 
launched on the water, no person must bathe; and, 
except those whose attendance was required at the 
temple, no individual must be seen out of doors ; no 
dog must bark, no pig must grunt, no cock must 
crow, — or the tabu would be broken, and fail to 
accomplish the object designed." 2 The temples 
and idols, and the persons of the principal chiefs 

1 " Tour," p. 341 . 2 Ellis, " Tour," p. 366. 



42 THE MAKING OF HAW AH 

and priests were always tabu, i.e. sacred, and not to 
be touched. Any particular place or object might 
be declared tabu, by proclamation or the affixing to 
it of a flag or other emblem, whereupon it must be 
avoided. It was tabu for women to eat with men, 
or to partake at any time of pork, banana, cocoanut, 
turtle, and certain kinds of fish; 1 also, according 
to Ellis, 2 of fowl or other foods used in sacrifice, 
"except in cases of particular indulgence." It is 
manifest how severe a hardship, as regards both the 
women themselves and their young and unborn 
babes, this last prohibition was, confining them as 
it did to a comparatively scanty and innutritious 
diet; while the rigor with which it was enforced 
may be seen in a circumstance narrated by Mrs. 
Judd. When Kapiolani (" our present ladylike and 
sensitive Kapiolani ") was a girl she resolved, with one 
of her young friends, to eat of banana. They rushed 
into the water, concealing the fruit in their hands, 
and ate it when at some distance from the shore. 
A priest, however, chanced to see the deed, and the 
girls were condemned therefor to degradation of 
rank, and perpetual poverty, and celibacy. But an 
expiatory sacrifice being suggested by the priest, a 
young boy, a favorite page of Kapiolani, was seized 
and strangled, whereupon the sentence was lifted 
from the offenders themselves. 3 

1 Alexander, op. cit., p. 49. 2 "Tour," p. 365. 8 " Honolulu," p. 96. 



EARLY PERIOD 43 

Respecting the religion of the Hawaiians, I make Remarks 
four remarks in conclusion: — i. It was made up of 
spiritual, ceremonial, social, and political elements, 
mixed inextricably together; and had, if not its ori- 
gin, yet its earliest as well as most enduring and vital 
manifestation in the worship of ancestors and chiefs 
whose departed spirits had blended with the universe 
of things. 2. It presents an instructive example of 
the influence of environment on religion, the tropical 
situation and amphibious habits of the people giv- 
ing the shark a prominent place among the gods, and 
the absence of reptiles making ophiolatry impossible, 
except as concerns the lizard alone, of which they 
stood in the greatest dread. 3. It presents the curi- 
ous phenomenon of one of the most mirthful and 
careless of peoples evolving one of the most complex 
and sombre of religions, and submitting themselves 
completely to its sway. Their deities were mostly of 
a malignant and degraded nature, their idols hideous, 
and their ceremonials burdensome and bloody ; while 
toward the worship of the bright heavenly bodies 
they seemed little drawn. 1 4. The Hawaiian religion 
was almost wholly without ethical character, though 
not without moral influence. It served on the one 

1 Alexander says (p. 35) that "no worship was paid to the sun, moon, 
or stars." But Vancouver (iii. 23) asserts that the natives chanted invoca- 
tions to the setting sun at the commencement of a tabu season ; while 
Emerson (p. 15) says that the aumakua in the sun and moon were 
" chiefly invoked as detectives in cases of petty thieving." 



44 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

hand to perpetuate and increase the tyranny of the 
privileged classes, to anchor the people to their past, 
to fetter thought, to cast a gloom athwart the world, 
and in some of its ceremonials to procure and as 
it were sanctify sexual excesses and irregularities ; 
while on the other hand it served to link the in- 
dividual to his fellows, to secure obedience to 
authority, to breed the sense of a national life, and — 
when in the hands of the wiser and better men — 
to set metes and bounds to the passionate impulses 
of the people. We may say of it finally, I think, 
that it was the indispensable instrument for secur- 
ing that order which must ever precede justice, and 
which in this case culminated in the conquests of 
Kamehameha I. and prepared the way for the intro- 
duction of a Christian civilization. 

MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 

The relations of the sexes among the Hawaiians 
were certainly very free. It is a mistake, however, to 
suppose that anything approaching promiscuity, prop- 
erly so called, existed. Travellers and missionaries, 
carrying with them the more rigorous and lofty ideas 
respecting marriage which have been developed among 
Christian peoples, and shocked by what they saw, 
have sometimes spoken as though the institution 
of the family were almost wanting in the Hawaiian 
Islands. If, indeed, promiscuity meant love beyond 



EARLY PERIOD ., 

the limits of matrimony, it would describe the sit- 
uation there with tolerable accuracy, certainly from 
Captain Cook's visit onward. But if the term implies, 
as it certainly ought to do, the absence of all definite 
marital relationships — the absence, that is, of the 
individual family as a distinct social institution, and 
of wedlock as a civil contract and bond — then it 
no more describes the situation in the Hawaiian 
Archipelago than any other social situation within 
our knowledge. General sexual promiscuity prob- 
ably does not anywhere exist; it probably never has 
existed anywhere within the historic period. "Com- 
munal marriage" has nowhere been found except 
in the vocabulary of Sir John Lubbock, and in cer- 
tain social experiments, conducted on a small scale, 
maintained for a season with difficulty, and vanishing 
soon " into thin air." The evolutionary hypothesis, 
that the family has developed by successive stages 
from prehistoric promiscuity through polyandry and 
polygyny to monogamy., undoubtedly describes in gen- 
eral outline the course of development which this insti- 
tution tends to take; but it can be adopted only with 
manifold reservations and exceptions. Thus, Herbert 
Spencer holds that "even in prehistoric times, pro- 
miscuity was checked by the establishment of individual 
connexions prompted by men's likings, :uu\ main- 
tained against other men by force"; 1 while Mr. Darwin 

1 Op. ,//.,i. 635. 



46 THE MAKING OF H AWAIT 

regards it as most likely that aboriginal man " lived 
in small communities, each with a single wife, or if 
powerful with several, whom he jealously guarded 
against all other men." 1 Among the Hawaiians 
polygyny was practised by such as could afford and 
command a plurality of wives, being here as elsewhere 
a class distinction, and therefore the mark of a society 
considerably advanced and differentiated. Its limits, 
however, were closely drawn, not only by the poverty 
of the common people, but also by the inevitable 
mathematics of nature which keeps the sexes every- 
where nearly in numerical equation; by the more 
general destruction of female infants than male, tend- 
ing to offset the slaying of men in war, and by the 
imperative demand of the common man for a wife. 
The effort of Morgan to show that the system of 
consanguinity and affinity in vogue among this peo- 
ple points to an earlier form of the family — the con- 
sanguine — out of which the punaluan family grew, 
was admirable for its subtlety and thoroughness, 
but hardly sound in its conclusions. 2 That the 
Hawaiian called all his relatives of the same gen- 



1 "Descent of Man," p. 591. 

2 Lewis H. Morgan, " Ancient Society." In the "Annual," for 1884 
and 1885, certain errors of detail into which Morgan fell are pointed 
out by Dr. C. M. Hyde and Judge Abraham Fornander. See also criti- 
cisms by the Rev. S. J. Whitmee, in "Encyclopaedia Britannica," ninth 
edition, xix. 424, note, and by President J. G. Schurman, in "The Ethical 
Import of Darwinism, 1 ' 1888, p. 223 et seq. 



EARLY PERIOD 47 

eration with himself " brothers " and " sisters," all 
those of the generation next preceding " fathers " and 
u mothers," all those of the second preceding genera- 
tion " grandfathers " and " grandmothers," all those 
of the first succeeding generation " sons " and 
" daughters," and all those of the second succeeding 
generation " grandsons " and " granddaughters," is a 
fact as undoubted as it is curious. But that this 
fact is a kind of linguistic fossil, preserved from a 
time when groups of brothers were habitually and 
indiscriminately married to groups of sisters, is at 
best a doubtful conjecture. It can only be main- 
tained on the supposition that the terms in ques- 
tion were intended to discriminate so far as possible, 
and describe, relationships of blood, and were used 
solely because in the conjectured consanguine family 
it was impossible to determine paternity. But as 
for the second of these reasons, there could certainly 
be no confusion as to motherhood, yet " mother " was 
just as broad and indefinite a term as was "father"; 
and as to the first reason, it seems a more likely 
supposition that this nomenclature was meant merely 
to classify relatives by generations, and according to 
sex. Westermarck has shown how frequently terms 
denoting relationship have been used by civilized as 
well as primitive peoples in a loose sense. 1 It ought 
to be added that Morgan's opinion that the Hawaiian 

1 Op. cit., p. 90 et seq. 



48 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

family was developed out of the foregoing consan- 
guine family by the prohibition of marriage between 
brothers and sisters, this being due to observation 
of the evil effects of such marriages, is contradicted 
by the fact that in the chiefly families unions of 
this sort regularly took place up to a very recent 
date. Among the common people, however, consan- 
guineous marriages were rare. To a considerable 
extent brothers shared their wives in common, and 
sisters their husbands, this fact constituting the 
" punaluan " family, which Morgan regards as the con- 
necting link between the prehistoric " consanguine " 
and the subsequent " syndyasmian " forms. But this 
last marital form, in which one man and one woman 
habitually cohabit, while yet indulging in other in- 
timacies, also prevailed among the Hawaiians from 
our first knowledge of them. I do not find any 
traces of a true exogamy, or of marriage by capture. 1 
Marriage Marital engagements were made by parents and 
friends, generally on the side of the woman, and 
quite often for both parties. As among the Esqui- 
maux, various tribes of Indians, and some other 
nature peoples, there was no wedding ceremony, 
though the groom sometimes threw a piece of kapa 
about the bride, and a nuptial feast was spread. 

1 Fornander {op. cit., ii. 84) gives an account of the forcible abduction 
of a bride from one island for a chief who dwelt on another ; but this was 
simple theft, the bridegroom not joining in the capture. 



EARLY PERIOD 



49 



The marriage tenure was very uncertain, depending 
largely upon the will of the husband, though in 
early times whoever put away his wife, " except for 
cause, had to reckon with her relatives." 1 Descent 
was traced through both the male and female lines, Kinship 
though the uterine line decidedly predominated. To ^lf 
explain this fact, it does not seem necessary to resort line 
to the hypothesis of Bachofen, of an early supremacy 
of woman, or to that of McLennan, of original pro- 
miscuity followed by polyandry. However kinship 
and inheritance through females may have originated 
elsewhere — and there is no reason except the exi- 
gencies of a pretentious theory for supposing that 
it has in every case had the same causes — three 
circumstances suffice to explain the fact here: un- 
certain paternity in " punaluan families," a qualified 
maternal supremacy in polygynous families, and fre- 
quent divorce in all sorts of families. 

That conjugal love and philoprogenitiveness were Family 
comparatively weak among the Hawaiians might love 
be inferred from the frequency with which divorce 
occurred, from the practice of infanticide, — which 
was usually accomplished by burying the babe alive, 
and which resulted, according to Ellis, 2 in the de- 
struction of two-thirds of the children of the com- 
mon people, — and from the widespread custom of 

1M Annual" for 1884, p. 51. 
2 "Tour," p. 298. 



50 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

giving away offspring. It is also the testimony of 
most observers, as, e.g., Commodore Wilkes, who 
says : " I should not be inclined to believe there is 
much natural affection among them; nor is there 
apparently much domestic happiness." 1 Wester- 
marck, Sir John Lubbock, and Herbert Spencer 
have collected testimonies of like import respecting 
the Hovas of Madagascar, the Amazulas, the Hot- 
tentots, the Koosa Kaffirs, the natives of Winne- 
bah, the Kabyles, the Beni-Amer, the Chittagong 
Hill tribes, the inhabitants of Ponape, and other 
nature peoples. 2 And while many observations 
to the contrary effect might be quoted, 3 it seems 
beyond question that conjugal and parental affec- 
tions among savage and barbarian races are lacking 
in strength, tenderness, and persistency, as compared 
with the same sentiments among the civilized. I 
think it may be said with equal confidence that in 
all pagan civilizations, ancient and modern, family 

1 Op. cit., iv. 45. Wilkes's statement, quoted on p. 19, that none of 
the Hawaiian meles refer to wedded love is only approximately true. It 
should be read in connection with Judge Fornander's words, somewhat 
heightened perhaps by a chivalric loyalty to the people of his choice : 
" The ancient legends are full of the most touching instances of marital 
love and of filial affection. 1 ' ("Annual" for 1885, p. 51.) 

2 " History of Human Marriage," p. 307 ; " Origin of Civilization," pp. 
50-52 ; " Principles of Sociology," i. 663. 

3 See especially an article by S. R. Steinmetz in "Zeitschrift fur Social- 
wissenschaft " for August, 1898, entitled " Das Verhaltness zwischen Eltern 
und Kindern bei den Naturvolkern." 



EARLY PERIOD 5 1 

love is in general inferior in all these particulars to 
that found among Christian peoples. 

The character and status of woman being one status of 
of the most accurate indications of the degree of 
development to which a people has advanced, we 
should expect to find that sex among the Hawaiians 
occupying a middle position. And it is so, in fact. 
The descent of rank through the female line gave 
woman a place of importance, and often elevated 
her to the topmost station. As queen or regent, 
she had unlimited political power. But even so, she 
was involved in the inescapable social degradation 
of her sex; the highest woman must not eat with 
the humblest man, nor of food prepared in the 
same oven, nor of the more nutritious viands re- 
served by the tabu for the male sex. At birth, she 
was more unwelcome than her brother, and more 
liable to be thrust alive into the grave. As a child 
she must eat no food that had chanced to touch 
her father's dish. As a wife, she was subject to 
her husband's will, and was cast off, when no longer 
pleasing, at his option. She was excluded from the 
interior of the heiaus. In general, her tasks were 
menial. Curiously enough, however, the men at- 
tended to the preparation and cooking of food (ftoi), 
as among the Samoans and Coroadoes, while the 
women often accompanied their husbands to battle; 
thus affording support for the opinion that where 



52 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

the occupations of the sexes are not sharply marked 
off from one another, woman is likely to be found 
Chastity occupying a higher station. 1 As to chastity, it is 
difficult to determine with accuracy what the situa- 
tion was previous to the arrival of Captain Cook. 
An examination of the ancient traditions makes it 
clear, however, that the habits of the people were 
far better in this regard than they afterward became. 
Cook, indeed, found the females " willing." But it 
must be remembered that the sentiment — strange 
and demoralizing, but not wholly dishonorable — 
prevailed among them, as among so many primitive 
peoples, 2 that a generous hospitality necessitated the 
furnishing of a guest with a temporary wife. And 
it must be remembered, too, that Cook was esteemed 
a god. Vancouver testifies that on this occasion 
he saw little evidence of unchastity, but during a 
subsequent visit, much. 3 It is not to be denied that 
previous to the coming of the whites intercourse 
between the sexes was free, as judged by the theo- 
retical standards, or even the general practice of 
civilized peoples ; but it is equally certain that the 
visitors broke down the ancient restraints, made the 
people reckless and restless, taught them to violate 
the tabus, and to sell their own persons or the per- 

1 Cf. Herbert Spencer, op. a'/., i. 720. 

2 Westermarck, op. cit. y pp. 73-75, 130, 131. 
8 Op. cit., i. 171 et seq. 






EARLY PERIOD 53 

sons of wives and daughters for gain, gave to lust 
the sanction of their white faces and superior powers, 
and so wrote one chapter of the long and tragic 
story which records the debauching and destruction 
of weak races by the strong. Taken together, the 
native and acquired unchastity of the people had 
brought them to such a condition, before the arrival 
in 1820 of the first missionaries, as beggars and 
befouls description. That the tropical climate, the 
fecundity of nature, the indolent and irregular habits 
of the people, their scanty or absent clothing, 1 and 
the one-room huts in which persons of both sexes 
and all ages were crowded at night, served to assist 
the white man in overcoming such customs and 
scruples of chastity as the natives originally had, 
there can of course be no doubt. 

INDUSTRIES 

With regard to the industries of the ancient 
Hawaiians, it must be remembered that these were 
conditioned by the entire lack of metals, and beasts 
of burden and other domestic animals, save the dog 

1 The absence of clothing among nature people is not in itself a mark 
of immodesty, nor is its adoption due to a sense of shame, but rather to the 
need of protection or the desire for ornamentation. (Waitz, " Introduction to 
Anthropology," p. 299.) A Hawaiian having been rebuked by a missionary 
for appearing in his house nearly naked, added to his slight attire, before 
his next visit, a pair of silk stockings and a hat. (Anderson, " The Hawaiian 
Islands," p. 297.) 



54 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



and the hog. The absence of metals prolonged as 
it were unduly among them the Stone Age, 1 and 
fixed the materials and form of their implements. 
The want of domestic animals, as well as of exten- 
sive* tracts of land, not only prevented their being 
a pastoral people, but also determined in part the 
nature and method of their agriculture; besides 
putting all burdens of labor into the hands and 
upon the shoulders of men and women. Consid- 
ering these limitations, the early Hawaiians had 
made remarkable industrial advances. 2 Among their 
implements were stone or lava hatchets, knives of 
sharks' teeth, and the o-o, a digging tool of hard 
wood. Their principal manufactures were kapa, 
a kind of cloth or paper beaten out from the 
bark of the mulberry tree, of several qualities and 
degrees of thickness, dyed often and varnished, and 
used for manifold purposes ; 3 mats, fans, fishing- 
hooks ("much superior to our own," Cook, iii. 150), 
fish-nets and ropes, woven baskets, numerous do- 



1 It is an interesting question why the Hawaiians and other Polynesians 
did not discover the art of making pottery — a discovery which so often 
marks the rise from the savage to the barbarian stage. Suitable clays, 
though not abundant, were not entirely lacking. 

2 " In every thing manufactured by these people, there appears to be an 
uncommon degree of neatness and ingenuity."' (Cook, op. cit., ii. 237.) 

3 See article by Professor W. T. Brigham in "Annual 11 for 1896, p. 76, 
on " Hawaiian Kapa Making.' 1 It is said that kapa is still beaten in Samoa, 
though its manufacture substantially ceased in Hawaii nearly thirty years 
ago. It might perhaps be revived to advantage. 



EARLY PERIOD 55 

mestic implements, fashioned from hard wood or 
stone, pans for the manufacture of salt by evaporat- 
ing sea-water; spears, javelins, daggers, slings (made 
of human hair or the fibre of the cocoanut husk), 
bows and arrows ; single and double canoes, strong 
and shapely, often fifty and occasionally a hundred 
feet in length, painted, fitted with outriggers and 
with masts carrying sails made of mats; terraces, 
artificial fish ponds, ditches for irrigation, large 
trenches for use in one of their favorite sports, and 
houses and temples. Of the last, some were im- 
mense. The houses were of all sizes, from the hut 
to the "palace." They invariably, however, con- 
tained a single room, and were without window or 
door, except that one small hole was provided for 
ingress and egress. The framework was built of 
poles, and was thatched with grass or leaves. 
Maize and the cereals being unknown, agriculture 
was confined to the cultivation of taro, sweet pota- 
toes, yams, sugarcane, bananas, calabash-gourds, the 
paper mulberry, and the awa} Commerce was 
carried on to some extent, the products which were 
grown or manufactured with most success in the 
several districts and islands being bartered for one 
another, often at markets held for this purpose. 

1 Alexander, op. cit., p. 80. The roots of the awa yielded a narcotic 
liquor which had a stupefying and deleterious effect on those who were 
addicted to its use. 



$6 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

FESTIVALS AND GAMES 

In the Hawaiian Islands there occurred not only- 
markets and fairs for the purposes of trade, and occa- 
sional public meetings for the discussion of national 
affairs, 1 but an annual festival, the Makahiki, was 
also held in the autumn of the year. This served 
many purposes both by intention and indirectly; 
but it was principally devoted to games and gam- 
bling. Among the sports which were enjoyed here 
and elsewhere were boxing, foot-racing, bowling, 
wrestling, surf-swimming, a sort of tobogganing, and 
throwing and catching the spear. Cock-fighting 
was also much affected, and the shooting of mice 
with the bow and arrow, — though this last, singu- 
larly enough, was confined to the chiefs. Checkers 
were played, and children had numerous sports 
peculiar to themselves; among them the "cat's 
cradle " and kite-flying. 

J The festival and its influence on society, civil institutions, and the 
religious life constitute a topic in sociology as fascinating as it is impor- 
tant. When one has mentioned the Olympian, Pythian, Nemean, and 
Isthmian games of Greece; the Ludi Publici — the Circus and Amphi- 
theatre — of Rome ; the religious feasts of peoples as far removed from one 
another as the ancient Egyptians and the Mexicans ; the Hebrew festivals 
and those of the Christian Church ; the fairs of mediaeval Europe, and of 
Turkey, India, and North and South America ; the bull-fight of Spain ; 
and the modern " camp-meeting," summer assembly, international exposi- 
tion, and World's Fair, he has passed in review a considerable and con- 
spicuous part of the social life of man. These convocations, indeed, prior 
to the introduction of the printing press, must have been among the most 
important factors in forming a social consciousness and conscience, and in 
creating and expressing an effective "public opinion 1 "' and patriotism. 



EARLY PERIOD 57 

Vancouver speaks of witnessing a sort of drama 
or operatic performance, in several acts, describing 
incidents in the lives of some members of the royal 
family, and "supported with a wonderful degree of 
spirit and vivacity." 1 Strolling bands of musicians 
and dancers perambulated the country. There were 
several games of an impure nature, played under 
the cover of darkness; and a performance of inde- 
scribable lasciviousness, the hula-hula, has con- 
tributed almost as much as anything else to spread 
the fame and infamy of the Hawaiian Islands 
throughout the world. 2 Gambling accompanied 
almost all the games aforesaid. Ellis says that 
scarcely an individual resorted to them except for 
the purpose of betting ; and he describes the " ex- 
citement, anxiety, exultation, and rage " with which 
they were attended, — "females hazarding their beads, 
scissors, cloth-beating mallets, and every piece of 
cloth they possessed, except what they wore," and 
farmers and canoe-builders staking the implements 
of their trade, and tearing the hair from their heads 
on losing. 3 How far, for what reasons, and with 
what results, these games have been abandoned 
will be pointed out in the sequel. 

1 Op. cit., iii. 44. 

2 Some years since I saw the hula-hula danced by a troupe of 
Hawaiians in a play-house in Berlin, Germany ; and it was entirely chaste. 
Those who have witnessed performances of this sort must not suppose that 
they correctly represent the old-time hula-hula, 

8 "Tour," pp. 171, 172. 



II 

MIDDLE PERIOD 

CONQUEST 

Prehistory In the preceding section I have described the 
Hawaiian people, for the most part, as they were 
when brought to the attention of the civilized world. 
That condition itself, however, was not strictly abo- 
riginal, but the result of a process of development, 
to which it seems desirable that brief allusion should 
be made. A study of the Hawaiian traditions seems 
to show that their history, prior to the time of Cook, 
was comprised within five rather distinct periods, 
these periods forming two cycles — and the first 
part of a third — of activity and repose. There was 
first the migratory movement which carried them 
to the islands; followed by several centuries of 
tranquillity, of which few vestiges remain. There 
was next — about noo a.d., according to For- 
nander 1 and Alexander 2 — an epoch of eager and 
vehement life; followed, as before, by a reaction. 
And there was then an era of political ambition 
and savage strife, culminating in the conquests of 
1 op. £#., p. 6. 2 Op. cit., p. 21. 

58 



MIDDLE PERIOD 59 . 

Kamehameha I., with a corresponding sequel of 
peace, except that this was greatly changed in char- 
acter by the introduction of civilized ideas and 
customs. The third of these periods, namely, 
the active portion of the second cycle, has left 
numerous legendary and institutional remains, mark- 
ing it as a time of unrest and migratory movement, 
extending throughout the whole of Polynesia, by 
which new islands were populated, peoples kindred 
indeed, but long separated, were fused together, 
dialects and ideas were enriched, the objects of 
worship were multiplied and its forms diversified, 
the feudal system was developed, and class distinc- 
tions were deepened. The fifth period, which was 
separated from the third by a considerable and now 
obscure time of quietude, was in a high degree 
militant. The chiefs of the several districts and 
islands developed into a very definite class, and 
becoming ambitious for larger powers and revenues, 
as well as jealous of one another, were engaged in 
almost constant and promiscuous war, this being 
sometimes devastating to the country and destruc- 
tive of life to a frightful degree. 

The function and value of war as a civilizing influence 
agent in the early stages of society has often been 
pointed out. But whether war tends to development 
or disintegration depends on its issue. That it is 
not, in itself, a good is manifest in the fact that a 



60 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

principal measure of its usefulness is the extent to 
which it renders its repetition unlikely. A series 
of haphazard hostilities in which two neighboring 
peoples bite and devour one another has no signifi- 
cance for civilization ; the campaign which brings 
them to an end through the complete triumph and 
lasting supremacy of the stronger and better may 
constitute a veritable epoch in the progress of both. 
Each of these principles finds illustration in Ha- 
waiian history. It cannot, I think, be shown that 
any substantial good was wrought through the 
incessant wars of the period under discussion to 
offset the palpable and manifold mischief. But in 
the midst of these wars was born the child, in 
November, 1736, who was destined to give con- 
spicuous illustration to the second of these princi- 
Kame- pies. This was Kamehameha I., one of the notable 
men of earth. Inheriting a petty chieftaincy, 
and engaging early in the hectoring hostilities 
which were in vogue, his thoughts grew gradually 
larger, and with them his ambitions. Possessed of 
strong intelligence, of a powerful and tireless will, 
of patience and tact, of uncommon sanity and steadi- 
ness of judgment, of intuitive insight into human 
character and motive, of unmistakable political and 
military genius, of a disposition in which the pro- 
gressive and the conservative were blended to a 
remarkable degree, and of such physical vigor as 



hameha I. 



MIDDLE PERIOD 6 1 

carried him through constant excitement and 
heavy toil to his eighty-third year; he is the most 
striking figure in the annals of Hawaiian life, if not, 
indeed, of the recent barbarian world. Conquering 
the rival chiefs of Hawaii first, and overcoming the 
almost insuperable difficulties presented by the 
channels separating this from the other islands of 
the. group, he gradually brought the latter into 
subjection, until, in 1795, he was substantially lord- 
paramount of the archipelago. The land everywhere 
he made his own — in the fullest sense a terra regis — 
apportioning it among his dependents, and dividing 
up subordinate political power among governors 
and chiefs with great skill. Anarchy was at an 
end, order was established, the manifold became one, 
and the sense of nationality and patriotism had chance 
to grow. This change had both its effect and its 
symbol in the fact that whereas before the conquest 
the inhabitants of different islands pronounced cer- 
tain words differently, both pronunciations were after- 
ward current in all alike, the people appearing to 
perceive no difference between them. 1 The laws and 
customs of the several islands became more homoge- 
neous. The new monarch issued edicts prohibiting 
robbery, theft, and murder ; agriculture and trade were 
encouraged ; roads were established ; the ancient reli- 
gion was reinvigorated. And this building of a 

1 Andrews, "Grammar, 11 p. 12. 



62 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

nation out of feudal fragments, so strikingly similar 
in some respects to the process by which the Capets 
expanded their duchy into the kingdom of France, 
illustrates in what way, and under what conditions, 
war serves to advance societies. In general it may 
be said that the indispensable prerequisite to any 
considerable social development is order, unques- 
tioned and abiding, however arbitrary and unjust. 
That this does not of itself insure progress, and 
that it may indeed seriously hinder it after a certain 
point has been reached, is seen in many stable but 
stationary or retrogressive societies. But that which 
order does not guarantee, it nevertheless makes pos- 
sible, by providing scope and opportunity for the true 
social forces — religious, domestic, industrial, politi- 
cal, and personal — to do their work. And order is 
often, as in the case of Hawaii, secured by war. 

DISCOVERY 

It is necessary now to recall the fact that in 1778, 
when Kamehameha was in the prime of life, and some 
seventeen years before the Conquest, the Hawaiian 
Islands were discovered by Captain James Cook, and 
brought in contact with what is called Christian 
civilization. 1 There were thus introduced social 

1 As is well known, Captain Cook ignored the beautiful name which 
for perhaps a dozen centuries had belonged to at least the largest 
island of the group, and afflicted them with that of Lord Sandwich — 






MIDDLE PERIOD 63 

forces which blended with and profoundly modified 
those which were indigenous. It would not be just, 
for example, to attribute to the unassisted genius of 
Kamehameha the imperial ambitions and the diplo- 
matic and military skill which created the Hawaiian 
Kingdom ; counsels and gunpowder were contrib- 
uted by the whites to secure that result. We have 
before us, therefore, the difficult task of discrimi- 
nating, so far as may seem possible and desirable, 
the alien and the native forces which have wrought 
together in the later evolution of the Hawaiian 
people. 

T hat the island s were discovered by t he Spaniards Discovery 
pri or tn the tinop of Captain Cook is almost certain. 1 by Span " 
Moreover, there is considerable reason for believing 
that a Spanish ship was wrecked off the coast of 
Hawaii in 1528, and that some of the voyagers — 
according to tradition, the captain and his sister 
only — came safely to land, and intermarried with the 
natives. 2 In this way there may have been some 
small intermixture of foreign ideas and blood with 
those of the aborigines two centuries and a half 



a course in unhappy contrast with that which has preserved from 
oblivion so many aboriginal names in the United States. 

1 The evidences for this opinion were set forth in the " Friend," for 
October, 1873, an d more recently in "Papers of the Hawaiian Historical 
Society," No. 1. 

2 See the romance " Kiana ; a Tradition of Hawaii," by James Jackson 
Jarves. 



64 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

before their "discovery." Indeed, apparent traces of 
such influence have survived, in the lighter faces of 
certain families, in the famous cloaks and helmets 
worn by the chiefs, — the style of which was rather 
Spanish than Polynesian, — in legends concerning a 
Fountain of Youth similar to that which Ponce de 
Leon carried to Florida, in certain military evolutions, 
in the cruciform pavements found in some of the 
heiaus, and possibly in numerous legends and cus- 
toms akin to those of the Hebrew Bible, 1 as well 
as in a few words which may have been derived 
from the Spanish language. Ignoring, however, any 
previous influence from Europe upon the Hawaiians 
as slight and somewhat conjectural, we have now to 
trace that which was exerted upon them by Captain 
Cook and other visitors up to the year 1820. 
Captain Captain Cook sighted Oahu January 18, 1778, re- 

mained among and upon the islands until February 2, 
returned to them from a voyage of exploration to the 
north November 26, wintered there, and was killed 
in an affray with the natives February 14, 1779; 
eleven days afterward his ships took their final de- 
parture. The whole period of his intercourse with 
the natives, therefore, was about a hundred days. 
These were fateful days for the Hawaiian people, 
bringing to them the first ship, the first white face, 
the first suit of clothes, the first firearms, they had 

1 Many of these may be found in Dibble, op. cit., pp. 26-30. 



Cook 



MIDDLE PERIOD 6$ 

ever seen ; the first strange tongue they had ever 
heard ; the first notion they had ever entertained of 
a mode of mortal life different from and superior to 
their own. And as these days were big with destiny 
for the Hawaiian people, so they were big with oppor- 
tunity and with obligation for their visitors. How 
were they spent? Captain Cook accepted without 
remonstrance the worship offered to him as the god 
Lono. He joined the natives in their pagan cere- 
monies, and then violated their tabus and outraged 
their religious sentiments. He appears to have 
vouchsafed no word of wholesome instruction to 
them, though they made eager inquiry concerning the 
government, manners and customs, industries and 
faith, of the land whence he came. For the gen- 
erous supply of eatables with which his ships were 
provided — and which the natives could ill afford to 
spare — he made scant return. Theft he punished 
by shooting ; and he sought to decoy or dragoon the 
king on board ship, that he might be held as hostage 
for the return of a stolen boat. The first company 
of sailors that was landed shot and killed a native 
under no sufficient provocation. A peaceful embassy 
was fired upon, whether by mistake or otherwise, 
with fatal effect; and after the death of Cook an 
entire village was reduced to ashes. Moreover, the 
occasion appears to have been a carnival of lust. The 
commander accepted as his temporary wife, and as a 



66 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

propitiatory offering, the daughter of a chiefess, while 
his crew introduced and spread far and wide that 
venereal disease by which the pages of Hawaiian 
history have been made so inexpressibly sad. A 
cocoanut tree pierced by a cannon-ball fired from one 
of Cook's ships stood long upon the shore, giving 
grim greeting to subsequent visitors. Grim greeting 
the people gave them, also, though they had received 
Cook cordially, as a guest from heaven. 

In justice to this distinguished navigator, it should 
be said that he sought, though without success, to 
improve the native swine by the introduction of an 
English breed. Reference should also be made to 
that praiseworthy passage in his work in which he 
recounts the pains he took to prevent the introduc- 
tion of disease among the natives by his men. How 
determined those efforts were cannot now be known ; 
we only know that they were wholly futile. It may 
be well, too, — partly to correct still further the impres- 
sion which this narrative may give, and partly that 
the narrative may correct the quotation itself, — to cite 
a part of the inscription to the memory of Captain 
Cook, which is appended to the Introduction in his 
first volume, to wit : " Actuated always by the most 
attentive care and tender compassion for the savages 
in general, this excellent man was ever assiduously 
endeavoring, by kind treatment, to dissipate their 
fears, and court their friendship; overlooking their 



MIDDLE PERIOD 67 

thefts and treacheries, and frequently interfering, at 
the hazard of his life, to protect them from the sudden 
resentment of his own injured people." 

VARIOUS VISITORS 

For seven years after the departure of Cook's ships, 
no foreigner set foot on Hawaii. During the years 
1 786-1 789 Portlock and Dixon, Meares and Douglass, 
and other English and French captains touched, or 
tarried, at the islands, bartering peaceably with the 
people. It may be assumed that they did not exert 
any very salutary influence there, though nothing 
scandalous is on record against them. In 1789, an 
American, Captain Metcalf, visited the islands. He Captain 
doubtless encountered some provocation, or even Metcalf 
treachery, on the part of the natives — a fact not to 
be wondered at — as a result of which he caused one 
of the high chiefs to be beaten with a rope's end, and 
when great numbers of canoes came off for trade, 
massed them on one side his ship, and swept them 
with a broadside from cannon and musket, which 
killed above a hundred natives outright and wounded 
a multitude. The survivors and their friends retal- 
iated by seizing the smaller of Metcalf's two vessels, 
in command of his young son, massacring officers and 
crew. Isaac Davis, the mate, they spared, however; 
and he with John Young — the boatswain of the 
larger ship, who had been detained on shore — lived 



68 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



Davis and 
Young 



Vancouver 



henceforward till their death among the Hawaiian 
people. 

In any account of the social and political develop- 
ment of these islands, a distinct place must be made 
for the influence exerted by these two men. Sur- 
rounded by barbarians, they did not suffer themselves 
to sink to the level of barbarism ; they seem rather to 
have risen above their former selves, as being made 
great by the great obligations thrown on them and 
accepted. They were raised to the rank of chief, were 
given considerable estates, and were made the inti- 
mate counsellors of the king, Kamehameha I., whose 
powerful mind they instructed, and over whose mas- 
terful nature they exerted a most humane and benefi- 
cent influence. 

The influence of Vancouver upon the Hawaiians 
was also wholesome and abiding. He visited the 
islands thrice during the years 1 792-1 794, and pub- 
lished a record of his observations and doings there. 
No one can read this account, so substantial and com- 
prehensive in matter, so clear and dignified in style, 
and so just and kind in spirit, without feeling special 
respect for its author. He set ashore the first sheep 
and horned cattle ever seen on the islands, had them 
tabu-z&. for ten years in order that they might secure a 
firm foothold, and provided that women should then 
be permitted to eat their flesh, as well as men. He 
laid the keel of the first sailing vessel ever built there. 



MIDDLE PERIOD 69 

He gave to one of the chiefs " some vine and orange 
plants, some almonds, and an assortment of garden 
seeds." He also introduced the lemon. 1 He firmly 
refused to sell the natives firearms, though importuned 
to do so. He returned to their homes some young 
women who had been abducted the previous year. He 
sought to remove from the islands certain runaway 
sailors whose influence was demoralizing, and con- 
firmed Davis and Young in their worthy purposes 
and positions of power. He made earnest and pro- 
longed efforts to bring to an end the inter-island 
wars which had wrought such havoc. He reunited 
Kamehameha and his favorite wife, from whom he 
had been estranged ; and gave the king valuable 
and valued advice as to the conduct of state affairs, 
relations with foreigners, and military organization. 
He even pointed out some of the defects and cruelties 
of the current religious system, and expounded the 
Christian faith, — not, however, as was to be expected, 
with much immediate effect. Vancouver found the 
natives suspicious and hostile ; he left them in so 
friendly and docile a mood that before his departure 
they voluntarily ceded their territory, with certain 
reservations of power, to Great Britain, and hailed 
with joy his promise to return with religious and 
industrial teachers. The cession of territory, how- 
ever, was never ratified by the British government, 

1 Op. cit., i. 156, 189; iii. 53. 



itors 



70 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

and the death of Vancouver made his promise im- 
possible of fulfilment. It is interesting to conjecture 
what would have been the course of Hawaiian de- 
velopment if the plans, thus thwarted, had carried 
through. British influence would have predominated, 
instead of American ; the theology, ceremonials, and 
ethics of the English Church would have been propa- 
gated, instead of New England Puritanism; treaties 
and tariffs and diplomatic correspondence would have 
had another history ; and of Annexation there would 
have been no talk. 
More vis- The visit and massacre by natives of Captain 
Hergest in 1 792 ; the visit two years later of Cap- 
tain Brown, his discovery of the harbor of Honolulu, 
the assistance given by him to one of the chiefs in 
war, and his assassination and the capture of his 
vessels by those whom he had thus assisted ; the 
two visits in 1 796 of Captain Broughton — who had 
been at the islands with Vancouver, and who seems 
to have shared the latter's magnanimous spirit — his 
peaceful counsels to the chiefs, his refusal to fur- 
nish them with firearms and ammunition, the un- 
provoked massacre of two of his marines, and the 
burning of a village in retaliation therefor, accom- 
panied by the killing of several natives ; the land- 
ing by Captain Cleveland in 1803, °f * ne ^ rst horses 
ever seen in the islands ; the springing up of an 
extensive and enriching trade in sandalwood with 



MIDDLE PERIOD 7 1 

China, and the consequent importation of large 
quantities of fabrics, boats, liquors, and firearms ; the 
planting of their national colors on the islands by 
the Russians, and their expulsion by the king; the 
friendly visit in 18 16 of Kotzebue, the Russian dis- 
coverer; the visit of Captain Freycinet in 181 9, his 
assurance of the help of France in quelling a revo- 
lution which seemed imminent ; the baptism on 
board his ship of two chiefs according to the forms 
of the Roman Catholic Church ; the return of numer- 
ous natives from other countries which they had 
visited, bringing new ideas and impulses ; the immi- 
gration and baleful influence of certain convicts 
from Botany Bay, and of other worthless and irre- 
sponsible whites ; the introduction of the art of alco- 
holic distillation, and the importation of rum ; the 
naturalization of such foreigners as the Scotchman 
Alexander Campbell, and the Spaniard and Roman 
Catholic Don Francisco de Paula Marin 1 — the 
former of whom was in the service of the king for 
above a year, while the latter for more than forty 
years set a salutary example to the natives and him- 
self grew wealthy, by acting as mason, ship-carpenter, 
and physician ; by raising oranges, figs, grapes, roses, 
pineapples, beans, cabbages, melons, turnips, tobacco, 

1 This very interesting man arrived at the islands in 1791. He kept 
a journal in Spanish which was afterward unearthed in a cellar and trans- 
lated by Dr. Wyllie. (See Judd, op. cit., p. 216.) 



72 THE MAKING OF H AWAIT 

coffee, cotton, "wheat, barley, cloves, tomatoes, saf- 
fron, cherries " ; by making butter, " cigars, kukui-o\\, 
candles, hay," and wine ; and by curing beef for ships 
— these are the principal events by which the growth 
of foreign influence at the islands may be traced up 
to the year 1820. They served to rouse the people 
from their long stupor, to loosen the bonds of tradi- 
tion and custom, to beget and guide ambition, to im- 
part the sense of property rights, and of the relative 
values of things, to decrease the habit of theft, to 
stimulate industry, to discipline the judgment, and 
to improve the physical condition of the natives by 
a better food supply as well as to deteriorate it 
by the introduction of intoxicants and contagious 
disease. 

OTHER CHANGES 

That the solidification by Kamehameha of many 
petty feudal groups into one kingdom was due in 
part to the inspiration and assistance of foreigners, 
I have already pointed out. There now followed 
three other events, of significance only a little less 
and brought to pass also by the blending of native 
and alien influences. These were the abandonment 
of the tabu system, the destruction of the idols, and 
the giving up of the national makahiki festival, all of 
which occurred within six months after the death of 
Kamehameha (May 8, 18 19), and the succession to 
the throne of his son Liholiho, as Kamehameha II. 



MIDDLE PERIOD 73 

The story of these occurrences, however interesting, 
it does not fall within the scope of this work to re- 
hearse. But something must be said both as to 
their causes and effects. While social, political, and 
religious elements were mixed inextricably in all 
three, it may be considered that the festival was 
especially the expression of the social, idolatry of 
the religious, and the tabu of the political, life of 
the Hawaiians. And that life, in each of these as- 
pects, had undergone a sudden and profound change. 
As to the first, being no longer the merely childish 
people they were aforetime, and having learned from 
the whites the fascination of dice and playing-cards 
and saddle-horses and the "flowing bowl," their 
ancient sports fell into desuetude, and with them 
the annual convocation which had such manifold 
influence over their lives. The tabu system which 
Kamehameha I. had rigidly enforced as an indis- 
pensable means of political control, long after its 
supernatural basis had become insecure, could not 
survive the withdrawal of the master mind and the 
iron hand. Notions of liberty which had floated to 
their shores in the white man's ships joined with 
their own sense of injustice and impatience of re- 
straint to make it intolerable to all classes of the 
people. The two queens, Kaahumanu and Keopu- 
olani, detested it as oppressive to their sex and 
themselves; the young king wished to be rid of its 



74 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

exactions that he might plunge more freely into 
dissipation; the common people had become restive 
under its burdens ; and so, when by an act of Liho- 
liho it was broken down, and the "straiter sect" 
made battle on its behalf, an overwhelming victory 
rested with the liberals (December 20, 18 19), and 
this unique and extraordinary system was at an end. 
And with it, though far less completely, disappeared 
idolatry and the power of the priest and sorcerer. 
These, as grounded more deeply in the religious 
nature, were not so easily extirpated. Indeed, they 
have survived, though with a secret and diminished 
life, to the present moment ; and in recent years have 
shown renewed vigor. That they were so far put 
away, at the time under discussion, may have been 
due in part to a growth of religious scepticism in 
the Hawaiian mind, having no relation to the pres- 
ence among them of foreigners, and to that groping 
for a truer faith which we like to find or imagine 
among pagan peoples. But I think the decisive 
factor was the influence of the white man, exerted 
through the teachings of the better sort and the 
sneers of the worse ; as well as through the conduct 
of both, so entirely irreligious from the native stand- 
point. However caused, the abolition of the tabu 
system and of idolatry was, like the conquest of 
Kamehameha I., a long step toward the establish- 
ment of civilization in the Hawaiian Islands. 



Ill 

LATER PERIOD 

RELIGION AND MORALS 

The religious and moral development of Hawaii 
has been the result of a complex of forces, the 
chief of which may be classified in five groups: — 

i. Native tradition and custom. 

2. The influence of discoverers and early visitors, 

and subsequently of whalers, sailors, and 
travellers. 

3. The teaching and example of Christian mis- 

sionaries, and of their friends and followers. 

4. The influence of certain foreign residents, 

chiefly European, and unfriendly to the 
missionaries. 

5. Asiatic ideas, introduced by the Chinese and 

Japanese. 

The interaction of these several influences may 
be succinctly described as the struggle for survival 
and supremacy of three irreconcilable antagonists: 
the primitive cidt and morals, the Christian faith 
a?id ethic, and civilized scepticism, selfishness, and 
vice. 

75 



y6 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

The first of these has already been described in 
its chief features ; some account has also been given 
of the character and conduct of the white men who 
first visited the islands. It remains to estimate the 
influence exerted by the missionaries, and by other 
white and Asiatic residents. 
TheAmer- The first representatives of the American Board 
ican mis- Q f Commissioners for Foreign Missions — seven 

sionaries 

men with their wives, together with three Hawaiian 
youths who had studied in the Foreign Missionary 
School at Cornwall, Connecticut — arrived at the 
islands, March 31, 1820. It is significant of the 
purpose with which they set out, and prophetic of 
the manifold influence which they were to exert, 
that there were only two clergymen among them; 
a physician, a farmer, a printer, and two teachers 
completing the party. 1 Others followed them at 
intervals. 2 
Their It is necessary to refer to the motives which led 

these persons to Hawaii, not so much because the 
charge was made against them at the islands, and 
diligently spread throughout Europe, that their 
purposes were despicable, for that charge is not 
now anywhere credited ; but because it is an impor- 
tant question in sociological theory whether the 

1 The farmer, however, soon returned to the United States. 

2 A list of missionaries sent out, clerical and lay, will be found in 
Appendix B, p. 244. 



motives 



LATER PERIOD yy 

decisive social forces, being psychical, are not also 
to be reduced, under analysis, to selfish desire. 1 
This would be equivalent to the assertion that 
altruism does not exist, or that it is only a modi- 
fied form of egoism, an assertion which is based on 
an unsound psychology, and is obnoxious to com- 
mon sense. Without doubt the missionaries were 
moved by mixed motives, but it was obviously a 
self-sacrificing rather than a self-seeking purpose 
which dominated their action. They left home and 
friends behind them ; they separated themselves 
from the comforts of civilized life ; they made long 
journeys under dripping skies; they waded swollen 
and dangerous streams rather than miss an appoint- 
ment to speak to the natives ; they lived largely on 
stale provisions which had been four or six months 
on the sea ; they toiled with their own hands at the 
ropes by which trees were dragged from the forests 
for the building of churches; they watched over 
each dusky convert as tenderly as a father over his 
son; they were content to deny their own children 

1 This is the opinion, among others, of Lester F. Ward. He says : 
" The fundamental law of human nature, and therefore of political economy, 
is that all men will, under all circumstances, seek their greatest gain ; " 
" every rational analysis of human action tends to ground it in egoism, and 
assimilate it to animal action ; " " it must be assumed as a basis of all 
legislation and a postulate for every human transaction that men will 
pursue the course which secures to them the greatest gain — not gain in 
its widest sense, as the greatest amount of happiness, but pecuniary or 
possessory gain." ("Dynamic Sociology, 11 i. 20, 77, 510.) 



78 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

such educational and social privileges as would have 
been enjoyed in America, or else part with them for 
years that they might be sent hither. That the main 
motive for all this was selfish is incredible ; there is 
no better word for it than " love." 1 And this love, at 
first a psychological fact, became straightway a soci- 
ological fact. The movement of affairs was chiefly 
determined by it. It opened the hearts of the people 
to the missionaries, and gave them an influence in all 
spheres of life which was almost without measure. 
Their ideas The case before us illustrates also the place which 
ideas and ideals hold among the social forces. The 
missionaries were idealists. They believed in one God, 
the eternal, invisible, omnipotent, omniscient, just, and 
loving Ground of all being ; in a universe ordered, 
coherent, beneficent ; in man as the immortal son of 
God, and of an incalculable value ; in the earthly 
life as a probation, and a discipline in righteousness ; 
in government as an expression of the divine order 
of the world ; in the monogamous family as ordained 
of God. Their faith was predominantly intellectual 
and ethical ; they had scant sympathy for the aes- 
thetic, the sentimental, the ceremonial, the sportive. 
Referring to Kapiolani, Dr. Rufus Anderson said: 2 

1 That the slanderous reports concerning the missionaries were widely 
believed in Europe, " das ist eine traurige und keineswegs fur unsere Cultur 
ehrensvolle Thatsache." (Waitz u. Gerland, "Anthropologic der Natur- 
volker," vi. 447.) 

2 " The Hawaiian Islands," p. 195. 



LATER PERIOD 79 

" Hers was the religion of the Puritans, and the pious 
reader will desire that all these islanders, from the 
highest to the lowest, may be like her." During the 
early years of the female seminary at Wailuku, many 
of the girls fell sick, and not a few died. It is 
pathetic to read the complaint concerning them made 
by their grave New England teacher : 1 "It seemed 
impossible to restrain them from rude and romping 
behavior, and confine them to those exercises deemed 
more proper for females, without serious injury to 
health." Commodore Wilkes described the boys as 
"staid and demure, having the quiet looks of old 
men." 2 Private letters of that period which I have 
seen characterize the meetings for prayer as " prim 
and stiff." As early as 1825 Stewart wrote : 3 " The 
young king and every chief of any importance have 
regular family worship with their respective house- 
holds morning and evening, never take a meal with- 
out thanksgiving, observe the Sabbath with becoming 
propriety, attend all the religious instructions, and 
studiously avoid every kind of amusement and pas- 
time not consistent with strict sobriety and Christian 
decorum. Their whole minds and their whole time 
seem given to improvement." " I asked a native the 
other day which he thought the great commandment. 
He replied, 'Mai puki paka" (Do not smoke tobacco). 
I asked him if he found it in the Bible. He supposed 

1 Dibble, op. cit., p. 321. a Op. cit. } iv. 54. 3 Op. cit., p. 270. 



80 THE MAKING OF ill 

it was there, he said." 1 It was reported that on one 
occasion in Lahaina enough pipes were M voluntarily 
given up to nil a box of twelve solid feet."- It is 
curious, and significant, that when the Rev. Titus 
Coan, missionary at Hilo. wrote on scientific subjects, 
his style was always lucid, direct, and virile ; when he 
wrote on religion it frequently became conventional, 
exclamatory, and touched with unreality. It was he, 
according to Wilkes. 5 who uprooted the sugarcane and 
coffee which his predecessor had planted. M Haole n 
reports that a thriving silk industry was destroyed 
because the native employees, persuaded by the mis- 
sionaries, declined to feed the worms on Sunday. 4 
Such were the views of the missionaries. And these 
idea forces, by which they themselves were swayed, 
would — they did not doubt — quickly and completely 
transform the personal and social life of the native 
once lodged in their convictions. How far this faith 
was justified, and how far disappointed, we shall see 
in the sequel. 
Their dif- The difficulties encountered by the missionaries 
ncuiues were manifold. The atrocities and immoralities com- 
mitted by some of the earlier white v and the 
energetic and slanderous opposition of certain foreign 
and vagabond residents, raised a barrier against them 
at the outset. Admitted — at first, for a year only — 

1 Judd. op. cii.. p. 114. * Op. c:t.. iv. 209. 

Herald." xxix. 458. / cit.. p. 204- 



LATER PERIOD 8 1 

they were still and always antagonized by these 
unscrupulous and malign elements of the resident 
and visiting population. The series of outrages 
which were perpetrated at Lahaina and Honolulu in 
the years 1 825-1 826, have often been described, 1 and 
need not here be rehearsed. It will suffice merely 
to allude to these dastardly efforts, made by consular 
representatives of European governments, naval offi- 
cers, sailors, gamblers, and pimps, to break through 
the safeguards with which the missionaries sought 
to surround the morals of the people. And on the 
general subject, the competent and unprejudiced 
testimony of Captain Beechey and of Commodore 
Wilkes may be given in conclusion. The former 
said 2 that the runaway, idle, and dissolute seamen 
on the islands did "infinite mischief to the lower 
order of the natives, by encouraging them in intem- 
perance, debauchery, idleness, and all kinds of vice," 
and were " nearly sufficient of themselves to counter- 
act all the labors of the missionaries in the diffu- 
sion of morality and religion." Commodore Wilkes 
wrote : 8 " The lower class of foreigners who are settled 
in these islands are a serious bar to improvement 
in morals, being for the most part keepers of low 
taverns, sailors' boarding-houses, and grog-shops." 
Elsewhere he speaks of " the designing individuals 

1 As in Bingham, " A Residence," etc. 
2 " Narrative," p. 363. 8 Op. cit., iii. 393. 



obstacles 



82 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

who hold the situation of consuls of the two great 
European powers," as " the chief agents in the vexa- 
tions to which the government has been exposed." 
They exercised " a baleful influence " on the people. 
They defied and derided the laws and regulations 
established by the kings and chiefs for repressing 
immorality and vice, and used their official position 
to threaten and bully. 1 In this they were abetted 
by not a few British and French naval commanders. 
Psychical But the missionaries met other and subtler obsta- 
cles. When they spoke of God, they were under- 
stood to refer to Kanoloa, or some other divinity; 
when they prayed, they were thought to be " praying 
some one to death " ; when they sought to inculcate 
the Christian virtues, they found in some instances 
neither any word in the language nor any idea in 
the mind of those to whom they spoke, answering 
to that which they wished to describe; when they 
celebrated the Eucharist, it was believed that the 
cup was filled with the blood of human victims, slain 
for the occasion ; when they dug cellars for their 
houses, they were supposed to be preparing for an 
assault upon the natives ; when they built churches, 
the belief that human sacrifices would be required 
to consecrate them inspired terror among the on- 
lookers. In short, the undeveloped and indolent 
intellect of the people, the preoccupation of their 

1 Op. cit., iv. 7. 



LATER PERIOD 83 

minds and the saturation of their traditions with 
ideas of deity, of nature, and of man, widely different 
from those taught by the missionaries, and the pov- 
erty of their language in ethical and spiritual ex- 
pressions, constituted obstacles to the work of a 
psychical nature, far more formidable than opposi- 
tion or slander. The enterprise was greatly facilitated, 
on the other hand, by the memory of Vancouver, 
the powerful influence of John Young, and the gen- 
eral ferment of thought which was both cause and 
effect of the abolition of the tabu system and of 
idolatry. 

Despite these obstacles, the early success of the Early 
missionaries was extraordinary. They at once be- 
came the teachers of King Liholiho (Kamehameha 
II.), of his brother and successor, of his wives, and 
of several chiefs of high rank. The strenuous efforts 
of these children of nature to sever themselves from 
their past, to bridge the mental gulf separating them 
from their teachers, and to comprehend and adopt 
forthwith points of view and habits of thought which 
were the heritage of centuries, are interesting and 
pathetic. Thus Mathison gives account of a visit 
made by him about this time to the hut of the 
chief Keeaumoku (Governor Cox) for purposes of 
barter, and of finding him, with a dozen other 
natives, listening with eager interest and " knitted 
brows " to the reading and exposition by a native 



84 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

catechist of a passage in St. John's gospel. So 
absorbed was he in this exercise, that he did not 
at first observe Mathison's approach, and when his 
attention was at last attracted, with a dignified wave 
of the hand he motioned his visitor to withdraw. 

In January, 1822, a spelling-book was printed in 
the Hawaiian language ; later in the same year the 
first Christian marriage was celebrated; in 1823, 
the first baptism was administered to Keopuolani, 
the king's mother; 1 early in 1825, Kaahumanu, the 
regent, became an ardent disciple and propagandist ; 
in 1826 there were received into the church in 
Honolulu ten natives, of whom nine were chiefs, 
including nearly all of high rank on the island; 2 in 
the same year it is reported that " a congregation, 
estimated at not less than ten thousand natives, was 
assembled ... to hear the preaching of the gospel." 8 
After the death of Kaahumanu, in 1832, and under 
the influence of the dissipated king, Kamehameha 
III., there was a serious reaction; then came amend- 
ment, and in 1837-1839, the "great revival," which 
added above fifteen thousand members to the 



1 In 1 8 19, two chiefs had been baptized on board Captain Freycinet's 
discovery ship Uranie, by the Roman Catholic chaplain. Arago's com- 
ment is : " After exchanging presents with M. Freycinet, the minister 
Pitt (Kalaimoku) took his leave, and, furnished with his passport to Para- 
dise, went home to his seven wives, and to sacrifice to his idols." 

2 " Missionary Herald, 1 ' xxii. 71. 
8 Anderson, op. cit., p. 65. 



LATER PERIOD 85 

churches. On the first Sunday of July, 1838, 1705 
persons were baptized at Hilo, by the Rev. Titus 
Coan. 1 During the six years following, twenty-seven 
thousand were admitted to membership in the 
churches. 

This rapid spread of Christianity was of course 
attributed by the missionaries themselves to the 
influence of the Holy Spirit; from another point 
of view it might be regarded as a psychical and 
social contagion, of which curiosity, superstition, 
and above all, suggestion and imitation, were the 
chief factors. 2 Probably there is truth in both 
these explanations. What is obvious is, that the 
example of the chiefs was a determining factor, 
both in the nominal adoption of Christianity by 
the people, and in their various partial abandon- 
ments of it in subsequent times. The missionaries 
themselves recognized this fact and its significance, 
though not fully; "their advice [that of the chiefs] 
has all the force of command. . . . the real progress 
is considerably less than the apparent." 3 

An officer of the American Board, the Rev. Dr. R. withdrawal 
Anderson, visited the islands in 1863; he reported ican Board 
that 52,413 persons had been admitted to membership 
in protestant churches since the beginning ; that 

1 " Life in Hawaii," p. 55. 

2 See Le Bon, " The Psychology of Crowds." 

3 " Missionary Herald," xxix. 454, 456. 



86 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

about 8000 had been excommunicated, and that the 
membership at that time was 19,679. The following 
summer the Board, at his suggestion, withdrew from 
the control, or further direct prosecution of the work, 
and this was assumed by the native churches and 
pastors themselves. The islands were then regarded 
as " Christianized." The conclusion was naive, and 
the action calamitous. 
Roman In the meantime, other missionary enterprises had 

mission been set on foot. Three priests of the Roman Catho- 
lic faith arrived in 1827; their propaganda met with 
considerable success, and also roused the most violent 
opposition. In 1831 they were banished by the gov- 
ernment. In 1837 they returned, and the unhappy 
controversy broke out afresh, ending in an ordinance 
issued by the king and chiefs forbidding the teaching 
of the Catholic faith. Many of its adherents were 
severely punished. In 1839 an edict of toleration was 
issued ; and soon after, under threat of immediate hos- 
tilities from the captain of the French frigate Art'emise, 
a convention was signed and accompanied by the pay- 
ment of twenty thousand dollars as a guarantee of 
good faith, declaring the Catholic worship free, pro- 
viding a site for the erection of a church, and liber- 
ating those who were undergoing imprisonment on 
religious grounds. In 1840 a cathedral was begun in 
Honolulu. 

The mission of the Church of England was estab- 






mission 



LATER PERIOD %j 

lished in 1862, in accordance with the desire and in- English 
vitation of the king. Four years later his successor, 
Kamehameha V., addressed the House of Bishops of 
the American Protestant Episcopal Church as fol- 
lows : — 

" The liturgy, constitution, and teaching of the Episcopal Church 
seem to me more consistent with monarchy than any other form of 
Christianity that I have met with ; and the principles of education 
it inculcates seem to me, from practical evidence before my eye, 
to have the effect of making its members more moral, religious, and 
loyal citizens. The system of family training it adopts in female 
schools is admirably fitted to cure a great social evil of this land." 1 

In 1863 the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Minis- 
ter of the Interior, one of the justices of the Supreme 
Court, the Attorney General, and the governor of 
Maui, a native, were connected with the English 
Church. According to the Rev. Titus Coan, Bishop 
Staley went twice to Hilo, where substantially the 
entire population already professed and called them- 
selves Christians, and without so much as consulting 
with the pastor through whose labors this transforma- 
tion had been wrought, undertook to establish there 
a church of his own order. The Roman Catholic 
ecclesiastics, in their turn, declared to the Christian 
natives, of both protestant communions alike, that 
they had been deceived, that they were still outside the 
true Fold and therefore exposed to everlasting punish- 

1 Quoted in Staley, "Five Years," etc., p. 73. 



reaction 



88 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

ment, that their marriages were unsanctified, and — 
in the case of that major portion of them who still 
adhered to the American missionaries — that the moral 
restraints which had been laid upon them were need- 
less and tyrannical. 
Religious These divisions and animosities among those who 

confessed the Christian faith were doubtless sorely- 
perplexing to the simple Hawaiian mind, and tended 
to diminish confidence in the supernatural and re- 
demptive character and social value of that faith. 
As a result of this and other causes, a revival of 
paganism began to make itself felt during the reign 
of the last of the Kamehamehas, who was himself 
charged with licensing sorcery and the kula, and 
offering sacrifices of black pigs. This tendency be- 
came more marked, however, in subsequent reigns. 
On returning from his tour round the world, Kala- 
kaua said: "I have seen the Christian nations, and 
observed that they are turning away from Jehovah. 
He represents a waning cause. Shall we Hawaiians 
take up the worship of a god whom foreigners are 
discarding? The old gods of Hawaii are good 
enough for us." 1 In a speech made by Kaunamano 
in the presence of the king and in a Christian church, 
it was said : " The Hawaiian gods gave victory to 

1 As reported by the Rev. S. E. Bishop in " Hawaiian Gazette," Febru- 
ary ii, 1893. This article, and others by Mr. Bishop, discuss thoroughly 
this matter, so little understood in the United States. 



LATER PERIOD 89 

Kamehameha I. I do not blame you for worshipping 
Jehovah, but neither do I blame you for worshipping 
our dear little Hawaiian [household] gods." Kala- 
kaua revived the ancient practice of apotheosizing the 
king, and invited and accepted worship from the 
people, with sacrifices and oblations. In 1886, a 
charter was procured from the Privy Council, through 
fraud and deception, for the Hale Naua Society, 
which posed as a sort of freemasonry, but which 
was, in fact, " a strong and widely ramified organiza- 
tion for the propagation of idolatry and sorcery, in- 
cluding adoration and sacrifices to the new and great 
god at the palace." The same year there was estab- 
lished a Hawaiian Board of Health, which was really 
an organized and authorized body of kahunas, or 
" medicine-men." It was also charged that Liliuo- 
kalani offered sacrifices to Pele, permitted the rep- 
resentative of the hula god to be worshipped at 
Waikiki, visited the grave of a famous sorceress on 
the island of Molokai, and led in the pagan demon- 
strations which were made about it. After her de- 
position a call was issued in a paper published in the 
Hawaiian language, for a day of fasting and prayer 
for her restoration to the throne. The author of this 
call was a " confessed heathen," and his wife a priest- 
ess to a unihipili, or familiar spirit ; but he was also 
chief deacon^ luna, in a Christian church of Honolulu. 
And that it seemed impossible to subject him to dis- 



90 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

cipline for his pagan practices, under the Congrega- 
tional forms of that church, shows the extent to 
which the revival of the primitive cult had gone. A 
competent observer asserted his belief that not one 
member of that church in five, perhaps not one in 
ten, was entirely free from the fear of kahunas, and 
the practice of idolatry, and that the other churches 
were generally in a like condition. 

" There is a broad mass of beliefs in devil-gods, great and small, 
and in their demands, their influences, their powers upon men, 
which ramify into all the incidents of daily life and the relations 
of society. These beliefs are inwrought into the mental structure 
of the people. . . . Under the influence of Christian life and power, 
these dark fears and evil claims grow more or less dormant. But 
in trouble, and especially in sickness, they are almost certain to revive 
in controlling power. For is not sickness always due to the malig- 
nant presence of a demon ? Now and then a native Christian may 
be found whose matured faith triumphs over all these powers of 
darkness. There is too much reason to believe that such are few. 
. . . There are now among Hawaiians large numbers in organized 
bodies of kahunas, sorcerers, voodoos, medicine men, who are 
active propagandists and missionaries of idolatry. By inherited 
disposition the people are greedy of their teachings." * 

In the case both of Kalakaua and of Liliuoka- 
lani, their defection was partly the cause and partly 

1 " It ought to be mentioned that a crusade was undertaken against 
idolatry, 1 885-1 890, under the leadership of the Rev. J. Bicknell, a retired 
pastor of a Hawaiian church, with such success that great numbers of 
fetishes (aumakua) of various descriptions were brought to him by men 
who were nominally Christians but who were converted under his radical 
exposures of the secret worship they were offering to the old gods, and 
their fetishes were burned by him." (The Rev. W. B. Oleson, in a letter 
to the author.) 



LATER PERIOD 



91 



the effect of this reviving paganism among the com- 
mon people. It was in part the cause, for the yielding 
and imitative nature of the natives and their extraordi- 
nary veneration for royalty, as well as their hereditary 
tendency toward heathen habits, gave to the example 
of the king and queen decisive weight. It was in part 
the effect, for it seems clear that these sovereigns, 
seeing in the reactionary tendencies of the people 
an opportunity to increase their power over them 
by means of supernatural sanctions, and thus to 
strengthen themselves against the danger of dethrone- 
ment which seemed imminent, deliberately reverted 
to the policy of the ancient kings. 

The religious condition of the islands at the tak- 
ing of the last census, in 1896, — so far as it can 
be statistically shown, — was as follows: — 

Table of Religious Belief, by Nationality 



Nationalities 



Hawaiians 

Part Hawaiians . . . 
Hawaiian born foreigners 

Americans 

British 

Germans 

French 

Norwegians 

Portuguese 

Japanese 

Chinese 

S. S. Islanders .... 
Other nationalities . . 

Totals 



Number 

MAKING 

Returns 



25,637 
6,271 

8,438 
1,650 

i,37i 
677 

63 
162 

7,959 
764 

953 
223 

354 



54,522 



Per Cent 
Prot- 
estants 



50.09 
51.70 
21.34 
85.09 
86.36 
87.44 

9-54 
95.06 

1.84 
93.06 
87.83 
79.82 
49.72 



42.68 



Per Cent 

Roman 
Catholics 



32.87 
41.99 
78.48 
12.85 

13-13 

12.26 
90.46 

4.94 
98.15 

6.42 

7-03 
18.83 
48.30 



Per 

Cent 
Mor- 



17.04 

6.31 

.18 

2.06 

•51 
•30 



.OI 

.52 

5.14 

i-35 
1.98 



.36 8.96 



Total 
Per Cent 



IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 
IOO.OO 



[ OO.OO 



92 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

It will be observed that one-half of the population made 
no returns of their religious belief. Of these, 41,711 
were Asiatics, presumably Buddhists and Confucian- 
ists ; this leaves 12,787 others not reported, of whom 
5382 were natives and 2214 part Hawaiians. What 
is striking in these figures, so far as concerns the 
natives, is the large percentage of adherents to the 
Roman Catholic and the Morman faiths, and the large 
number making no return and presumably therefore 
indifferent. The statistics of the native churches 
connected with the Hawaiian Evangelical Association 
(Congregationalist), as given in the Annual Report 
for the year ending June, 1898, are instructive. They 
include the following items: Total membership, 
4642 ; received on confession of faith, 113; removed 
by death, 118; suspended, 31; excommunicated, 26; 
restored, 17; children baptized, 244; attendants at 
the Sabbath-school, 588. It will thus be seen to how 
slender a remnant the native communicants in the 
Congregational churches of the islands have been 
reduced since 1856, when they numbered 23,652.* 

1 I append the following extract from the very one-sided " Statement " 
of the Hawaiian Patriotic League, not as giving a correct exhibit or 
interpretation of the facts, but as showing the use to which they were 
put in political discussion : — 

"In the last census [1890], the religious element was left out alto- 
gether, for the reason that the missionary party who presided over the 
operations of the census could not allow their decline to be made public 
together with the ascendency of their rivals . . . ; it is thus seen that very 
considerably less than 22,000 natives remain under the spiritual sway of 



LATER PERIOD 



93 



The same Association reports 54 Portuguese, 150 
Chinese, and 428 Japanese church members. 

The adoption of Christianity was accompanied by Moral 
moral reforms, many and widespread, if not profound. c anges 
"Tabu meetings" — a kind of rude Ethical Society — 
sprang up spontaneously, being guided rather than 
suggested, in the first instance, by the missionaries. 
" The members were numbered first by tens, then by 
hundreds, and soon by thousands." 1 At these meet- 
ings were discussed practical questions respecting 
character and conduct. Some of the reforms which 
took place will be more particularly described here- 
after ; it will suffice at this point to say that for nearly 
fifty years from the landing of the first missionaries, 
the moral improvement of the native population con- 
tinued, and that then a retrogressive movement set in, 
which has only just now been checked, if indeed it 
does not still continue. Among the causes of this 
regression these six are the most obvious : — 

1. The death of many of the early pastors and 
teachers, the withdrawal of the American Board, and 

the annexationists' faction, and, moreover, it could easily be ascertained 
from the missionary publications that, within the last few years, the 
Hawaiian communicants reported by their churches have diminished in 
the proportion of about 90 per cent (2200 against 21,000) ; the reason of 
this is solely the anti-patriotic, anti-Hawaiian, anti-loyal attitude assumed 
by the missionary churches and their schools, wherein teaching the chil- 
dren to pray for their country and sovereign has been discontinued." 
(In Blount, p. 450.) 

1 Dibble, op. cit. y p. 253. 



94 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

in general the close of the era of active propagandism 
and of paternal care ; 1 

2. The passing of such men as Mr. Richards (1847), 
Judge Lee (1857), Mr. Armstrong (i860), Mr. Wyllie 
(1865), and Dr. Judd (1873); 

3. The decay and disappearance — by the death of 
Kamehameha V. in 1872 — of the royal family; 

4. The succession to the throne of Kalakaua and 
Liliuokalani, and the sinister influence of the " palace 
party " ; 

5. The increase of wealth and of a mixed and 
menial and predominantly male population, through 
the development of the sugar industry ; and 

6. The transition from one mode of life to another, 
which commonly — as in the case of the negroes of 
the southern United States, and European immi- 
grants — affects the second generation more unfavor- 
ably than the first, loosing them from one moral and 
social anchorage, but not as yet fixing them securely 
in another. 

Theft When the missionaries arrived, thieving was well- 

nigh a universal habit with the natives. The chiefs, 
finding soon that this practice brought them into 

1 " The windward side of Hawaii has now [1887] one native pastor, 
where a few years ago there were two foreign and four native pastors of 
Hawaiian churches. Is it any wonder that churches are closed and 
every little hamlet is a rendezvous for heathen orgies when helpful reli- 
gious forces are withdrawn from such regions ?" (The Rev. W. B. Oleson 
in "Jubilee Celebration," p. 20.) 



LATER PERIOD 95 

disrepute with foreigners, took servants with them 
on their visits ; while they themselves conversed, the 
servants sequestered such articles as they could lay 
their hands on, within doors or without. Sometimes 
the visitors picked the locks of the trunks on which 
they sat, under cover of their flowing robes, which also 
served to conceal their booty as they went away. 1 
Within a very few years, however, valuables might 
have been left exposed and unprotected, day or night, 
in many portions of the islands, without loss. 

Another subject to which the missionaries applied The family 
themselves from the first with special energy, was 
that of sexual morality. They had derived from 
their biblical and puritan training pronounced and 
unyielding views as to the exclusive legitimacy and 
the divine character of monogamy, and the conse- 
quent sanctity and life-long tenure of the marriage tie. 
Moreover, they saw in this " the means of securing 
the rights of children, of women, and of all . . the 
foundation of domestic order and happiness, the bond 
of social peace, the extinguisher of infanticide, licen- 
tiousness, and various national evils." 2 But, as we 
have already seen, they found a people inheriting the 
traditions of the polygynous and punaluan family, and 
of gross laxity in sexual relations ; besides being fur- 
ther debauched by the example of visiting and resi- 
dent whites, and saturated to a degree with the 

1 Stewart, op. cit., p. 186. 2 " Missionary Herald," xxxii. 359. 



96 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

venereal diseases which these had introduced. The 
very language, the whole moral atmosphere, was 
charged with the salacious. 1 

The missionaries set up forthwith a high and rigid 
standard of morals, and sought to impose it so far as 
possible on natives and foreigners alike. The former 
were more docile than the latter, and submitted 
themselves to a considerable measure of restraint. 
The first Christian marriage was celebrated in 1822, 
the groom in this case, however, being one of the 
Hawaiian youths who had studied in the United 
States. The following year Koapini and Kalikua 
were wedded, and a missionary writes : — 

"Thus on the 19th of October, 1823, was the marriage covenant, 
in a Christian form, introduced among the chiefs of the Sandwich 
Islands, and the first knot tied, by which the institution will be likely 
to be acknowledged by the chiefs of all inferior ranks throughout 
the nation. This we consider as another era in the history of our 
mission." 2 

And it was so. There soon developed " quite a 
furore for the marriage service." At Lahaina Mr. 
Richards united six hundred couples in six months, 3 
the usual fee being " a few roots of kalo (taro) or a 

1 " All those restrictions which decency has imposed upon civilized 
communities are wholly unknown here. We know of no word or phrase 
in the language which is proscribed by their views of delicacy, to either 
sex, in any company or circumstances whatever." (" Missionary Herald/* 
xxxi. 188.) 

2 "Missionary Herald," xxi. 103. 
8 Judd, op. cit., p. 17. 



LATER PERIOD 



97 



fowl, a little bundle of onions," or the like. " Two 
thousand marriages were solemnized in the single 
year following June, 1830," * and nearly four thousand 
during 1 832-1 833? The missionaries were of course 
vehemently set against the immemorial chiefly cus- 
tom of consanguineous marriages. Ellis gives ac- 
count of a proposed union between a brother and a 
sister of high rank, which was approved by a coun- 
cil of chiefs. The opinion of the missionaries being 
asked, they opposed its consummation, and with suc- 
cess, on three grounds ; viz., that such marriages 
"were forbidden in the Word of God, were held 
in abhorrence by all civilized and Christian nations, 
and had seldom been known to leave any descend- 
ants to wear the honor or sustain the rank of the 
contracting parties." It is curious that the only one 
of these considerations which appeared to have much 
weight with the chiefs, namely, the last, was also the 
only one of the three which was substantially without 
foundation. 3 The missionaries also made courageous 
and unremitting effort to prevent irregular relations 
between native women and visiting whites, and 



1 Anderson, op. cit., p. 230. 

2 " Missionary Herald," xxix. 458. 

8 The fact seems to have been overlooked by the missionaries that the 
chiefs, who commonly married near kindred, were conspicuously superior 
both mentally and physically to the common people, to whom that practice 
was forbidden. On this general subject see the careful, though somewhat 
one-sided, work of A. J. Huth, " The Marriage of Near Kin" (1887) 



98 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

with such measure of success at first that Ellis 
wrote : 1 — 

" I was recently informed by an officer, who in his Majesty's ship 
Cornwallis visited Hawaii some few years ago, that not less than 
four hundred females came on board the vessel on the night of her 
anchoring in one of the harbors ; but such is the change since that 
time, that when the Blonde arrived [1825] not one female ascended 
her sides." 

But hereditary habit and racial tendencies are 
not so easily uprooted. Reaction set in and con- 
tinued, insomuch that Judge Lee, an uncommonly 
judicious observer, in his First Annual Report of 
the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, in 1853, 
felt impelled to say : — 

"The monster evil of the land — the one which goes to the vitals 
of this nation — is licentiousness. This subject is not a pleasing 
one ; but when we are daily called upon to witness the most disgust- 
ing scenes in our public streets — common prostitution stalking 
abroad at noonday — and the nation speedily wasting away under 
our very eyes with its consuming fires, it is criminal to keep silence." 

" Haole " — who was particularly skilful in de- 
tecting and happy in portraying indecencies — tells 
of his being entertained, the same year in which 
Judge Lee wrote as above, by a graduate of the 
mission seminary at Lahainaluna, and more re- 
cently judge of the district in which he lived, who 
after conducting family prayers with notable grace 
and solemnity, offered his mother, wife, or sister to 

1 Introduction to Stewart, p. xxiii. 



LATER PERIOD 



99 



his guest for the night, in consideration of a silver 
dollar. 1 A competent writer in the " Friend " for 
February, 1889, said: "In the intimacy of four 
years' pastoral work among Hawaiians nearly thirty 
years ago, the present writer came to know that out 
of a large group of the most intelligent and inter- 
esting young women of his churches, there was not 
a single one whose record was not stained. . . . 
There is little reason to hope that the Hawaiian 
has advanced very much since in that respect." 
And now, a decade later, the condition is not 
greatly altered. The kanaka is in this particular 
about at the level of the negro in the southern United 
States; and together they present impressive proof 
of the almost insuperable difficulty of establishing 
and maintaining in purity the monogamous family 
in colored races not far removed from the state of 
nature. 

Another reform to which the missionaries devoted intempei 
themselves with assiduity concerned the drinking 
habits of the people. What with their native awa 
and the liquors imported by trading vessels, they 
had become seriously debauched. Kamehameha I. 
was addicted to the use of intoxicants, a habit from 
which, however, his iron will gave him power to 
break away. He also proclaimed and enforced 
prohibitory laws. But his son and successor fell 

1 Op. cit.. p. 388. 



IOO THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

into all manner of extravagances and excesses, — an 
example which Kamehameha III. during the early 
part of his life too closely imitated. Distilleries 
were established ; " to drink and be drunken was the 
test of allegiance and loyalty." 1 When the mis- 
sionaries arrived, it is hardly too much to say that 
the people had become a " nation of drunkards." 
Entire villages — men, women, and children — were 
not seldom to be found in a state of helpless intoxi- 
cation. The chiefs were labored with, and per- 
suaded to a sobriety more or less thorough and 
abiding; and their example became, of course, in 
this as in other respects, normative for the people. 
Laws concerning the matter, and applicable to 
natives and foreigners alike, were passed in 1829. 
Rules were adopted also, covering the conduct and 
discipline in this particular of church members. 
Temperance societies and fraternities were organ- 
ized, and became popular. And in a few years I 
find it reported in almost every number of the 
" Missionary Herald " that intoxication among the 
natives was " exceedingly rare." 

A law promulgated by king and chiefs in 1835, 
ran in part as follows : 2 — 

" We prohibit drunkenness. Whoever drinks spirituous liquors and 
becomes intoxicated, and goes through the streets riotously, abusing 

1 Judd, op. ciL, p. 51. 

2 " Blue Book," p. 159. For an account of this book, see p. no. 






LATER PERIOD ioi 



those who may fall in his way, he is guilty by this law. He shall pay 
six dollars in money, or in other property of the same value, and for 
want thereof, he shall be whipped twenty-four lashes, or be con- 
demned to labor one month, or be imprisoned one month, at the 
expiration of which he shall be discharged. 

" 2. If the intoxicated person, or a riotous person not intoxicated, 
breaks down a fence, he shall pay one dollar for each fathom, be the 
same more or less. And if the offender does not make redress 
according to this enactment, he shall rebuild the fence which he has 
broken down," etc. 

In 1838 a license law was enacted, which pro- 
vided * that 

"any house having been licensed for retailing spirits, may sell by 
the glass, but not by any large measure ; and its doors must be 
closed by ten o'clock at night, and all visitors must go away until 
morning. And on Sunday such house shall not be opened from ten 
o'clock on Saturday night until Monday morning." 

" In August of the same year a law was passed 
prohibiting the importation of ardent spirits after 
January 1, 1839, and imposing a duty on wines of 
fifty cents per gallon." 2 The intention of this law, 
however, was frustrated by the king being compelled, 
under threat of war, to sign a treaty with the French 
government, which provided, among other concessions, 
that the wines and brandies of that country should 
be admitted, and at a rate of duty not exceeding five 
per cent ad valorem. In October, 1840, a law was 
enacted absolutely prohibiting the manufacture, sale, 
giving away, and use of intoxicants, as follows: 8 — 

1 " Blue Book," p. 160. 2 Alexander, op. cit., p. 224. 

8 "Blue Book," p. 161. 



102 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

"Articles of food, potatoes, sugarcane, mellons [sic] and other 
things are taken and transferred into intoxicating drink ; the people 
remain in idleness, without labor, in consequence of their lying 
drunk ; wherefore the land is grown over with weeds and is impover- 
ished. In consequence of our desire to promote the order and wel- 
fare of the kingdom, we have assembled to reflect on the subject and 
now enact this law. i. If any man take potatoes, sugarcane, mellons 
or any other article of food, and transform it to an intoxicating liquor 
and drink it, he shall be fined one dollar, and if he shall do the like 
again, the fine shall be two dollars, thus the fine shall be doubled for 
every offence even to the utmost extent. 

"2. If anyone make an intoxicating liquor, such as is mentioned 
above, and give it to another to drink, he, too, shall be fined accord- 
ing to the first section of this law. 

"3. Whosoever shall drink that which another has prepared in 
order to produce intoxication as mentioned above, he, too, has vio- 
lated this law, and shall be fined in the same manner as he who 
prepared the drink." 

About this time strenuous efforts were put forth 
to increase the sentiment and habit of sobriety 
among both the native and foreign population. The 
king and chiefs, of their own accord, formed a tem- 
perance society, as did also many of the whites, 
with Dr. Judd, Minister of Foreign Affairs, as presi- 
dent (1844). A high license law was passed in 1843, 
under which the number of grog-shops in Honolulu 
was at first diminished and then increased. But 
whatever general regulations were in force, a pro- 
hibitory policy had been followed as concerns the 
natives from the enactment of the first laws up to the 
year 1882, when these restrictions were removed, and 



LATER PERIOD 



103 



YEAR 


SPIRITS 


WINES 


i860 


IO,II2 


3,512 


1865 


10,209 


1,057 


1870 


17,808 


i,779 


1871 


I7,l8l 


1,278 


1872 


17,248 


1,422 


1873 


19,024 


1,638 


1874 


16,827 


1,219 


1875 


19,872 


3,532 


1876 


17,696 


1,210 


1877 


2i,575 


1,052 


1878 


30,249 


4,980 


1879 


36,428 


5,084 


18S0 


48,042 


8,994 


1881 


52,944 


9,181 



a general license law was adopted by a legislature as 
incompetent and corrupt perhaps as any ever convened 
in the islands. During nine months of the follow- 
ing year alcoholic liquors were taken out of bond 
for consumption, to the amount of more than thirty- 
two thousand gallons in excess of the same period 
of the preceding year. 1 The immediate increase in 
the quantity of intoxicants brought in, and the general 
course of the traffic in recent years, may be seen in 
the following table : 2 — - 

Consumption of Intoxicants (gallons), 1 860-1 895 



BEERS, ALES, 

etc. 



671 

479 
361 
358 
231 
550 
420 
330 
791 
1,596 
20,233 

65,433 
49,398 
83,309 



YEAR 


SPIRITS 


WINES 


1882 


66,150 


8,512 


1883 


80,980 


IO,535 


1884 


84,175 


12,114 


1885 


80,115 


20,992 


1886 


100,703 


49,564 


1887 


74,918 


7I»6l3 


1888 


68,227 


76,144 


1889 


74,816 


79,201 


1890 


88,884 


117,800 


189I 


88,539 


144,417 


1892 


86,441 


110,849 


1893 


46,013 


H3,05I 


1894 


41,136 


213,939 


1895 


39,653 


280,913 



BEERS, 
ALES, 

etc. 

63,156 

106,847 
108,567 

118,384 
138,714 

126,665 

143,067 

146,072 

223,417 

217,180 

135,334 

163,706 

170,077 
158,497 



The introduction by the Japanese of sake, a beverage 
of a peculiarly unwholesome and mischievous quality, 

1 " Annual " for 1884, p. 65. 

2 I have computed this table chiefly on the basis of statistics given in 
the pamphlet, "The Liquor Traffic in the Hawaiian Islands," Honolulu, 
1895, from which I quote two paragraphs: — 

" A careful estimate made by Custom House Officials places the expense 



104 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



has assisted in the demoralization of the natives, and, 
on the whole, their present condition as regards 
sobriety is lamentable. In his Report for the years 
1 896-1 897, Chief Justice Judd said, " In every class 
of our population this vice [drunkenness] seems to be 
on the increase." The following table exhibits the 
number of convictions for drunkenness during the 
last decade: — 

Convictions for Drunkenness, by Nationality 



Nationality 


1886-87 


1888-89 


1890-91 


1892-93 


1894-95 


1896-97 


Chinese .... 


23 


6 


16 


7 


7 


19 


Japanese .... 


26 


46 


101 


88 


125 


160 


Portuguese . . . 


130 


154 


140 


56 


78 


86 


Hawaiian . . . 


1,162 


1455 


1,648 


757 


974 


1,009 


All other nationalities 


630 


977 


930 


443 


466 


588 


Total . . . 


1,971 


2,638 


2,835 


i,35i 


1,650 


1,862 



to the country of the liquor traffic for 1894 at $1,250,000 at least; at the 
same ratio the people of Hawaii have spent over $17,500,000 for drink from 
1870-1895." 

"We have received in the average about $190,000 yearly during 
1 870-1 895 in duties, licenses, and fines from the liquor traffic. That sum 
does not begin to pay for the annual loss to the country of money diverted 
from enterprises of a character to enrich the nation ; for the withdrawal 
from ordinary business of the men employed in the liquor traffic ; for the 
destruction of the wage-earning and saving power of those who indulge in 
liquor ; for the loss of life directly due to drink ; to say nothing of the 
progeny of poverty, moral and physical weakness, and vice which liquor 
breeds and fosters and passes down to the coming generations as its 
legacy. 1 ' 






LATER PERIOD 105 



CONSTITUTION AND LAWS 



As we have seen, the early government of Hawaii 
was feudal. The legislative, judicial, and executive 
functions were united and were absolute, in the per- 
son of the king. Some idea of constitutional govern- 
ment, however, and interest in it, had been imparted 
to the chiefs by various visitors from Europe and 
America, and this the missionaries sedulously nur- 
tured. But that they were not always wise in giving 
it direction, appears in the fact that when, in 1825, 
they were asked to prepare a code of laws, they 
recommended the Decalogue. In 1827 the legisla- 
tive function began to differentiate itself from the 
executive, the " first regular and definite laws, after 
the manner of civilized nations," being enacted in 
that year by the chiefs in council, against homicide, 
theft, adultery, and liquor-selling. 1 By these laws the 
monogamous family was defined and established. 
Trial by jury in capital cases had already, in 1825, 
been recommended by Lord Byron, commander of 
the Blonde, and came gradually, and without statu- 
tory authorization, into general use. 

In 1835 "a better code of written laws for the 
securing of rights than had before been published or 
enforced " 2 was enacted. Four years later, one of 
the missionaries, the Rev. William Richards, at the 

1 Dibble, op. ctt., p. 240. 2 "Missionary Herald," xxxii. 358. 



106 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

earnest solicitation of the king and chiefs, gave them 
a course of lectures on political science, and became 
their adviser in affairs of state. He was not, indeed, 
an expert in economic or political science, but an 
impressive testimony to his practical wisdom was 
given by Commodore Wilkes ; 1 and a testimony yet 
more impressive is found in the Bill of Rights, the 
Constitution, and the Laws which were soon after- 
ward adopted, largely through his influence. 
Bin of The Bill of Rights — often called the Magna 

Rights Charta of the Hawaiian Islands- — received the signa- 
ture of the king, June 7, 1839. Its history is instruc- 
tive, as illustrating the pedagogic methods of the 
missionaries. Political and legal topics had been for 
some time under discussion by the students and 
graduates of the mission Seminary at Lahainaluna, 
both orally and in the paper published at that school. 
One of these graduates was directed by the king to 
draw up for his inspection a statement of political 
principles ; this was done, after five days spent in 
discussion with the chiefs ; the document was then 
considered by the king, recommitted, revised, con- 
sidered afresh by the king, revised again, and then 
adopted and promulgated. It reads as follows: 2 — 

" God hath made of one blood all nations of men, to dwell on the 
face of the earth in unity and blessedness. God has also bestowed 

1 Op. at., iv. 8. 

2 Jarves 1 s translation in "History," p. 316; also to be found in the 
" Blue Book." 



LATER PERIOD 107 

certain rights alike on all men, and all chiefs, and on all people of 
all lands. 

" These are some of the rights which he has given alike to every 
man and every chief of correct deportment : life, limb, liberty, free- 
dom from oppression, the earnings of his hands, and the productions 
of his mind, not however to those who act in violation of the laws. 

" God has also established governments and rule, for the purpose 
of peace; but in making laws for the nations, it is by no means 
proper to enact laws for the protection of the rulers only, without 
also providing protection for their subjects ; neither is it proper to 
enact laws to enrich the chiefs only, without regard to enriching their 
subjects also, and hereafter there shall by no means be any laws 
enacted, which are at variance with what is above expressed, neither 
shall any tax be assessed, nor any service or labor required of any 
man, in a manner which is at variance with the above sentiments. 

"The above sentiments are hereby published for the purpose 
of protecting alike both the people and the chiefs of all these 
Islands, while they maintain a correct deportment, that no chief 
may be able to oppress any subject, but that chiefs and people may 
enjoy the same protection, under one and the same law. 

" Protection is hereby secured to the persons of all the people, 
together with their lands, their building lots, and all their property 
while they conform to the laws of the kingdom, and nothing what- 
ever shall be taken from any individual, except by express provision 
of the laws. Whatever chief shall act perseveringly in violation of 
this constitution shall no longer remain a chief of the Hawaiian 
Islands ; and the same shall be true of the governors, officers, and 
all land agents. 

" But if any one who is deposed should change his course, and reg- 
ulate his conduct by law, it shall then be in the power of the chiefs to 
reinstate him in the place he occupied previous to his being deposed." 

This bill, recognizing the inalienable rights of the 
people, and specifically the right of private property 
in the soil, and placing restrictions upon the taxing 



108 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

power of the chiefs, amounted to a virtual rejection 
of the feudal system and commitment to a consti- 
tutional form of government. 
FirstConsti- The following year, October 8, 1840, the Consti- 
tution itself was proclaimed. It affirms certain 
fundamental principles, namely, the divine law as 
source and norm of human law; the separation 
nevertheless of the religious and civil spheres, and 
complete liberty and toleration in the former; im- 
partiality in the making and execution of law; and 
an open, full, and fair trial by due process of those 
accused of crime. It then recites the history and 
affirms the sovereign rights of the Kamehameha 
dynasty. In the body of the Constitution the effort 
is made to differentiate more clearly, and ground 
more securely, the functions and powers of the 
legislative, executive, and judicial branches of gov- 
ernment. It is provided that the legislature should 
be composed of two houses, meeting separately — 
though joint sessions might also be held — a House 
of hereditary Nobles, fourteen in number, besides the 
king and premier; and a House of Representatives, 
chosen annually by the people, in accordance with 
forms, and of a number, to be afterward determined. 1 

1 The "edict" of November 2, 1840, specified seven as the number of 
such representatives. The statement of Alexander (op. cit., 229) that the 
Constitution provided for " a legislative body, consisting of fifteen heredi- 
tary nobles and seven representatives, who sat together in one chamber," 
seems to be inexact in all three clauses. 



LATER PERIOD 



109 



The Executive included the king, the premier, and 
the four governors of the larger islands, with which, 
for administrative purposes, the smaller adjacent isl- 
ands were associated. Subordinate to these were the 
district tax-collectors, who not only assessed and col- 
lected the revenues, but had charge also of public 
works and acted as judges " in all cases arising under 
the tax law." 

The Judiciary included the District Courts and the 
Supreme Court. The judges of the former were 
appointed by the several governors " at their discre- 
tion " ; supreme judges to the number of four were 
appointed by the legislature ; with these sat the king 
and the premier, the king being ex officio chief judge. 

It will thus be seen that the Constitution of 1840 
was a crude affair, its phraseology vague and provoca- 
tive of abundant misapprehension, its differentiation 
of the legislative, judicial, and executive functions 
wanting in precision, and its spirit curiously com- Recogni- 
pounded of customary and feudal, biblical, British, 
and American elements ; but it was a long step 
onward. It established the Hawaiian Islands as a 
civilized and independent nation, and led to their 
recognition as such by the United States in Decem- 
ber, 1842, and by Great Britain and France a year 
later, when the office of Secretary of State or Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs was instituted. It must 
be regarded, as Commodore Wilkes esteemed it, 



tion 



110 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

" among the most obvious benefits of missionary 
labors." 1 
New laws During the two years which followed the adoption 
of the Constitution, various laws in harmony with its 
provisions were passed. These, together with a few 
others of earlier date, and the Constitution itself, were 
published in an English translation, by the Rev. Will- 
iam Richards, at Lahainaluna, in 1842. 2 It is an in- 
teresting fact that a volume of statute laws had been 
issued, both in the original and in translation, be- 
fore any lawyer had as yet set foot upon the islands. 
Some of these laws, indeed, owed their origin, or even 
their form, to foreigners ; but in the main they were 
the product of the Hawaiian mind, as modified by 
contact with Europeans, and were written by such 
men as David Malo, John and Daniel Ii, Boaz Ma- 
hune, and Timothy Keaweiwi. 

These laws, as was to be expected, are untechnical 
and wanting in precision, no distinction being made 



1 Op. at., iv. 20. How far the king was moved in this matter by 
European example is indicated by his remark to Mr. Hill. "On a small 
scale I am endeavoring to do, with the blessing of God, what Peter the 
Great of Russia did on a large scale." (Quoted in Hopkins's " Hawaii. " 
p. 52.) 

2 This little volume of two hundred pages and fifty chapters is usually 
called the " Blue Book," not from the stringency of the laws which it con- 
tains, but from the bluish green color of its covers. It is now exceedingly 
rare, no copy being found in the libraries of Harvard or Yale University. 
On this account I quote from it somewhat more copiously than I should 
otherwise do. 



LATER PERIOD In 

between crimes and torts, and between felonies and 
misdemeanors. They are direct and naive ; often like 
those of the Deuteronomic legislation, paternal and 
advisory, rather than mandatory; a curious blend of 
aboriginal and European elements. I cannot better 
illustrate the social condition of the time than by 
somewhat abundant citations from this quaint volume. 1 
Chapter 47 provides for 

"two distinct kinds of courts. One kind where the judges or Courts 
tax officers decide the case by themselves, and the other kind where 
they cannot act by themselves, but certain other persons must be 
associated with them. These persons who are associated with them 
shall constitute the jury. . . . For trying high crimes their [sic] 
must be a jury empanelled. . . . The juries shall be appointed in the 
following manner. The governor of the island of Hawaii, and the 
representatives of that island shall unite, and select forty wise, re- 
flecting, just men, not foolish men, not men of anger, not intemperate 
men, they shall select none but just men, and shall write their several 
names on separate pieces of paper of the same kind, and shall de- 
posit the papers in a box. . . . The tax officer or some other officer 
shall draw out twelve names without previously looking at them. 
These men, thus drawn, shall constitute the jury for that court. . . . 
The pay of every native man called to sit on a jury shall be a quarter 
of a dollar per day. . . . All foreigners who act on a jury shall be 
paid for their services one dollar pr. day. . . . When a man is tried 
for a capital offence, he shall not be condemned to die unless the 
jury is perfectly agreed. But in trials for other crimes three-fourths 
of the jury shall be sufficient to decide the case. But if three-fourths 
do not agree, the Judge shall have power to send them to a tight 
room, shut the door, set a guard and confine them there until three- 
fourths are agreed. ... If the accuser and the accused be both 

1 See also laws respecting intemperance, p. 99, and education, p. 170. 



112 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

foreigners, then the jury shall be made up of foreigners only. If 
there be no foreigner on either side, then there shall be no foreigner 
on the jury. If there be a foreigner on one side and a native on the 
other, then in forming the jury half shall be foreigners and half 
Natives. . . . The badge of the constables shall be a little stick,, 
made round, with the name of the King at the top of it." 

Taxation On the subject of taxation, the laws are quite 
explicit, one of the chapters opening with the saga- 
cious observation, " Not even wisdom can give pro- 
tection to a nation without a revenue." Three chief 
forms of taxation were provided for — a poll tax, a 
land tax, and a labor tax — to which were later added 
licenses for stores and victualling houses, and customs 
duties. The poll tax was to be paid in money, or 
in kind, as follows : — 

" For a Man, one dollar. 
For a Woman, half a dollar. 
For a Boy, one fourth of a dollar. 
For a Girl, one eighth of a dollar. 

" But feeble old men and women shall not be taxed at all. In the 
back part of the islands, where money is difficult to be obtained, 
Arrow Root will be a suitable substitute. Thirty-three pounds of 
good arrow-root will be taken for a dollar ; " also cotton, sugar, nets, 
and later, kukui nuts, turmerick, fish, coffee, or " any other article of 
a fixed value." 

But in 1842 the law permitting poll taxes to 
be paid in arrow-root was repealed, "for it is 
an unprofitable article." 

The land tax was laid as follows : — 



LATER PERIOD 113 

u A large farm — a swine one fathom long. 
A smaller one — a swine three cubits long. 
A very small one — a swine one yard long. 
If not a fathom swine, then ten dollars. 
If not a three cubit swine, then seven and one half dollars. 
If not a yard swine, then five dollars. 

" Those plantations which have no farms in them, under the direct 
taxation of particular chiefs, and have never had any during the 
remembrance of any of the people now alive, they shall be taxed as 
follows in this new assessment : — 

" A large plantation — two fathom swine. 
A smaller one — one fathom swine. 
Avery small one — a three cubit swine." 

The law covering the labor tax provided that the 
people should not be required, as heretofore, to 
work for the king and chiefs " on every week of 
the month." 

" The first week of the month the people shall work two days for the 
king and one for the landlords ; the second week in the month they 
shall work one day for his Majesty the King, and two days for the 
landlords, and the next two weeks the people shall have to them- 
selves." 

Exempt from the labor tax, however, were u all 
persons who are sick and those in attendance on 
the sick," "feeble old people," any parent having 
"four children, and neither of them adopted by 
another," and any " single individual " who " has a 
large number of invalids living in his house, amount- 
ing to as many as four." And these sage and quaint 
statutes add: — 



H4 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



" And here is a word of advice for industrious landholders, tenants, 
landlords, sub-tenants, servants of chiefs, persons having no land, and 
vagrants. According to this book it is best to have one, and one 
only fixed business, and to engage in it with high hopes in Him who 
aids us by the rain from Heaven. ... As for the idler, let the 
industrious put him to shame, and sound his name from one end of 
the country to the other. . . . For three months the tenants of him 
who thus entertains the sluggard shall be freed from labor from their 
landlord. Such is the punishment of him who befriends the sluggard. 
Let him obtain his food by labor. . . . Landlords, oppress not 
your tenants ; condemn them not without a cause, while they con- 
tinue to do well. If a land agent do thus to his tenants, and dis- 
possess them without a crime on their part, he shall pay a fathom 
swine to his tenant, and the tenant shall not be dispossessed." 



Fishing 
grounds, etc. 



Local gov- 
ernment 



An important section of the new laws effected a 
re-distribution of fishing grounds and forest rights 
as follows : — the waters outside the coral reefs were 
assigned to the people, and those between the reefs 
and the beach to the landlords, while certain speci- 
fied grounds and species of fish were " placed under 
the protective taboo of the tax officers for the King." 
Sandalwood trees, the o-o and mamo, and " all large 
trees such as one cannot clasp," were tabu-ed for 
the king, the penalty for the violation of the tabic 
being a fine of " one hundred rafters each five yards 
long." 

Local self-government was encouraged by the pro- 
vision that " the people of any village, township, 
district, or state" might assemble and devise laws 
" respecting roads, fences, animals, and all such like 



LATER PERIOD 115 

things." Individual initiative and an efficient civil 
service were encouraged by the curious provision 
that 

" those country people who search for knowledge, whoever they may 
be and in whatever part of the kingdom, if they write to me or my 
Premier, and we perceive that their proposition is a good one, it 
shall then be adopted as a statute of the kingdom. The Governors 
and the King, too, will suffix their names to the writing. They will 
also promote such seekers after knowledge to higher stations ; and 
make them officers in their various places. And such persons shall 
receive one tenth part of the King's income at their station, and 
also one tenth part of the land agent's income. Such is the reward 
which his Majesty offers to all in the kingdom who act as above, 
and they shall moreover be admitted to the council of the nation." 

To the same end, it was enacted that whoever en- 
gaged in any new and useful occupation should be 
free from taxation, and should receive the sum of 
ten dollars as a bounty. The principle of division 
of labor was recognized and recommended ; 

" for a man to engage in only one kind of business is the surest way 
to enrich the nation; thus, one engage in agriculture, another in 
the fisheries, another in canoe building, another in house building, 
another in trade ; each important business of the nation having a 
separate class of laborers, in accordance with the opinion of the 
skilful. . . . Let every one also put his own land in a good state, 
with proper reference to the welfare of his body, according to the 
principles of Political Economy. ... If a man wish to become rich, 
he can do it in no way except to engage with energy in some busi- 
ness." 

Much sad meaning may be read between the lines 
of those laws which provide that 



Il6 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

"no master of a vessel shall discharge or leave any of his men to 
remain on shore without the consent of the Governor or his agent in 
writing. . . . No captain of a foreign vessel shall receive on board 
his vessel any native, to proceed to sea nor shall any native go on 
board any foreign vessel, unless he first obtain the written consent of 
the Governor or his agent. . . . Furthermore, at half-past seven 
a clock in the evening, a gun will be fired from the fort, when all 
boats and seamen shall return to their ships [Honolulu only] . . . 
It shall be considered irregular for sailors from foreign ships to spend 
the night on shore without the leave of the Governor, and whoever is 
found on shore one hour after sunset, shall be put in confinement 
until morning," etc. [Lahaina only]. 

A stringent law prohibited all " unnecessary worldly 
business " on the Sabbath, and " all worldly amuse- 
ments and recreations, and all plays," as well as 
"all loud noise, and all wild running about of chil- 
dren, and all conduct which creates confusion in 
worshipping assemblies." Gambling on the Sabbath 
was twice as heinous as on other days, and was pun- 
ished with a double fine. Another law was framed 
"to promote the quiet of the night"; it ta6u-ed "all 
loud hallooing and other noise " after nine o'clock, or 
sounding of an "instrument unnecessarily," or going 
"about in a riotous or tumultuous manner," unless 
a man be " in straitened circumstances ... as in case 
of fire," in which event he is permitted to " call aloud." 

Certain preambles are specially interesting, thus : — 

" The basis on which the kingdom rests is wisdom and knowledge " 
[of Schools]. " It is a well-established fact that a nation cannot enjoy 
peace nor the people prosper, unless they are taught in morals and 



LATER PERIOD Ii; 

religion " [of the Sabbath] . " If any man is not respected and beloved 
it is a great misfortune to him, he cannot enjoy peace and happiness 
when he is thought to be a bad man ; nor can a man be happy or well 
refrain from anger even to sin, when one speaks to him in reviling lan- 
guage " [of Reviling, Swearing, and Slander]. " Indolence is a crime 
involving the best interests of the state. Even in days of old it was 
considered a crime, and at the present time it is perfectly clear that 
it is a downright misdemeanor " [of Vagrancy]. " It is a great misfor- 
tune to children not to be well taken care of, nor is the misfortune 
theirs only, the nation also suffers, for before many years the parents 
will all be gone, and all the business will be devolved upon the chil- 
dren, not merely the business of husbandry, but that of government 
also " [of Parental Duties]. " It would be a sad thing for the commu- 
nity, if the law did not give protection to him who labors for hire " 
[of the Hire of Labor]. " The subjection of the people to the chiefs, 
from former ages down, is a subject well understood. . . . Hereafter 
no law of the kingdom shall take effect without having been first 
printed and made public." 

The first person executed for a capital offence 
against these laws was a high chief, who a few years 
before would have been, not the subject, but the 
sacred source, of law. Their adoption, together with 
that of the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, not 
only marked the turning-point of Hawaiian history; 
it constitutes also an episode singularly suggestive 
to the sociologist. For when taken in connection 
with its causes and issues, it exhibits in small space, 
in simple forms, and in swift action, certain of those 
psychical and social forces by which the jurisprudence 
and social institutions of the larger world have been 
fashioned. 



Il8 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

The gift to the people of a constitutional govern- 
ment, with the right of suffrage and of trial by a jury 
of their peers, was not an unmixed blessing. As in 
the case of the negroes in the United States upon 
the adoption of the XlVth and XVth Amendments 
to the Federal Constitution, it endowed the natives 
with a freedom, and thrust upon them responsibilities, 
for which they were little prepared. And it set aside 
an authority — that of king and chiefs — which, 
though liable to great abuse, was absolute and often 
beneficent ; and subjected the people to their own 
caprice, and later to exploitation by politicians, 
" quibbling pettifoggers and unscrupulous lawyers.'' 1 
johnRkord In October, 1843, J onn Ricord, a young lawyer 
from the state of New York — "a man of talent and 
an indefatigable worker" 2 — arrived at Honolulu, 
and was interested in public affairs by Dr. Judd, who 
became just at that time the first Minister of Foreign 
Affairs. The following spring the office of Attorney 
General was created, and filled by Mr. Ricord. 
Familiar with both civil and common law, and the 
first lawyer to visit the islands, he rendered great 
service in giving regular shape to their growing and 
as yet inchoate institutions. 

The path which this development subsequently 

1 Coan, op. cit., p. 125. Mr. Coan says, " It may be doubted whether 
universal suffrage and trial by jury has been a benefit to the country." 

2 Judd, op. cit., p. 136. 



LATER PERIOD 119 

followed was, however, just at this time suddenly "Paukt 
blocked, and a very different one opened up, by the 
cession of the islands under pressure to Lord George 
Paulet, as the result of various controversies and mis- 
understandings. Paulet hoisted the British flag, 
" appointed his officers, civil and military, all over the 
islands, enlisted and drilled soldiers among the natives 
and foreigners, and taught them rebellion against 
their lawful sovereign." 1 But after five months the 
islands were restored to their independence by 
Admiral Thomas, and entered again upon the course 
of constitutional development which they had been 
pursuing. 

In 1845 the fi rs t Minister of Public Instruction Further 

r 1 -o organization 

was appointed, and the first legislature met. By ftheGov- 
this time constitutional ideas had so far pervaded ernment 
the minds of the chiefs, that they saw the necessity 
of purging the political system of inconsistencies; 
of securing a responsible government separate from 
the person of the king; of more accurately defining 
its several functions; of determining and securing 
the mutual rights of the native and foreign-born 
citizens and of aliens; and of adjusting the legal 
relations of the several classes and of individuals, 
to the land. For the securing of these ends, Mr. 
Ricord prepared, by order of the legislature, three 
bills which were in effect amendments to the Consti- 

1 Coan, op. at., p. 108. 



120 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

tution, but which were called " Organic Acts." The 
first of these acts, " to organize the Executive Min- 
istry of the Hawaiian Islands," was passed in 1845; 
it provided for five ministers — of Interior Affairs, 
the Premier ; of Foreign Relations ; of Finance ; of 
Public Instruction ; and the Attorney General — 
" defined their relations to the crown and to each 
other," and constituted them, together with the gov- 
ernors of the several islands, and certain honorary 
members appointed by the king, a Privy Council. 
The second act, "to organize the Executive Depart- 
ments of the Hawaiian Islands," sets forth in con- 
siderable detail the functions and duties of these 
several departments, and amounts to a body of 
administrative law. 1 The third act, " to organize the 
Judiciary Department of the Hawaiian Islands," was 
passed in 1847; it made the judges independent of 
the executive, distinguished between " causes, civil, 
criminal and mixed, maritime, and probate, personal 
and real," prescribed rules of practice, and more 
fully organized the various courts and defined their 
jurisdictions. " The 4th and 5th of Kamehameha 
III., embody full digests of civil and criminal prin- 
ciples, expressed in concise and comprehensive 
terms, and adopting, as nearly as is thought neces- 
sary and practicable, the conclusions, doctrines, prin- 

1 It provided for a Board of Commissioners to Quiet Land Titles ; see 
p. 140. 






LATER PERIOD 121 

ciples, definitions, and applications of the Common 
Law of England." 1 That these constitutional and 
legal changes were in no sense forced on the 
Hawaiian people, but were freely and intelligently 
accepted or modified by them, and the extent to 
which this process must have been politically edu- 
cative to their leaders, appear from these words of 
Mr. Ricord's Preface: — 

" The compiler, in obeying that resolution, has submitted at in- 
tervals portions of the succeeding code to his Majesty in cabinet 
council of his ministers, where they have first undergone discussion 
and careful amendment ; they have next been transferred to the Rev. 
William Richards, for faithful translation into the native language, 
after which, as from a judiciary committee, they have been reported 
to the legislative council for criticism, discussion, amendment, adop- 
tion or rejection. The two houses have put them upon three several 
readings — debated them section by section with patience and criti- 
cal care, altering and amending them in numerous essential respects, 
until finally passed in the form in which they now appear." 

The next considerable step onward in the political second 
development of the islands was taken in 1850, when c° n * tltution ' 
the House of Representatives was enlarged from 
seven to twenty-four members, and the ministers 
were authorized to sit in the House of Nobles. 
Later, a commission was provided for, to prepare a 
new constitution. This Constitution, which was 
drafted for the most part by Chief Justice Lee, 
was adopted by the legislature, and went into effect 

1 Statute Laws, Preface, p. 7. 



122 THE MAKING OF HAW AH 

December 6, 1852. It does not seem needful to give 
the provisions of this instrument in detail. It marks 
a great advance upon the Constitution of 1840 in 
clearness of conception and precision of statement. 
It incorporates the principles of the Organic Acts 
of 1845-1847; differentiates more fully the legisla- 
tive, executive, and judicial functions of the govern- 
ment; continues for sentimental reasons the curious 
office of Kuhina Nui, or Premier; provides for uni- 
versal suffrage, without qualification either for rep- 
resentatives or voters : and places important checks 
on the arbitrary powers of the king. Thus it is to 
be regarded as a distinct triumph of the " foreign " 
over the native influence in the development of 
Hawaiian political institutions. 

This Constitution remained in force twelve years, 
through the remainder of the reign of Kamehameha 
III., and that of Kamehameha IV., who died in 
1863. His elder brother and successor to the throne, 
Kamehameha V., was a man of intellectual ability, 
independence, and pertinacity of purpose, considera- 
ble familiarity with foreign politics, and aristocratic 
and reactionary tendencies. He believed that the 
people were not fitted for the exercise of political 
rights, and he was jealous of foreign influence in 
affairs of state. He therefore declined to make 
oath to maintain the existing Constitution, and on 
August 20, 1864, proclaimed another. 



LATER PERIOD 123 

While this Constitution was not so reactionary Third 
as had been anticipated, it was so in considerable jg^f lu 
degree. It omitted the clause found in the preceding 
Bill of Rights, guaranteeing elections by ballot ; it 
abolished the office of Kuhina Nui ; it reduced the 
maximum number of Nobles; it diminished the 
powers of the Privy Council, and correspondingly 
increased those of the king; it threatened the inde- 
pendence of the judiciary; it provided that Nobles 
and Representatives should sit together in one house ; 
and it established a property qualification for Rep- 
resentatives, and a property and — in the case of 
those born since 1840 — an educational qualification 
for the suffrage. This last was abolished in 1874 
by constitutional amendment. 

That this Constitution, having no other source 
or authorization than the will and proclamation of 
the king, was accepted by the people, native and 
foreign, and remained in force — with certain rela- 
tively unimportant amendments — nearly twice as 
long as any other, namely, twenty-three years, shows 
that though the nation had in form passed from 
the feudal to the constitutional stage, chiefly author- 
ity was still deeply grounded in the sentiments of 
the people. Perhaps it shows, too, in the later years 
of that period, the forbearance of the leaders among 
the so-called " missionary party." x 

1 I append two definitions of this phrase : — I . " The term i missionary 



124 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

Lunaiiio The king died December n, 1872, and with his 
death the Kamehameha dynasty became extinct. 
His successor was Lunaiiio, who died February 
3, 1874, without naming a successor. The principal 
candidates for the throne were Dowager Queen 
Emma, widow of Kamehameha IV., and Kalakaua. 
The former was largely favored by the natives, and 
was a lovely and capable person ; but she was a 
communicant in the English Church and was be- 
lieved to be lukewarm toward the American influ- 
ence. By strenuous efforts she was defeated and 

party' is now used in the islands in a political sense. It consists of the 
early white inhabitants and their immediate descendants, who have become 
a family compact in religious, social, commercial, professional, and political 
matters, in which they are opposed to a larger part of the white population, 
and almost all the natives.'" (V. V. Ashford, in Blount, p. 203.) 

2. "A missionary here means, in the political slang of the day, any one 
who is not affiliated with a few of what I conceive to be the worst elements 
of demagogues. It makes no difference what he is, a non-believer or a 
Buddhist, if he affiliates with the party for good government, he is gen- 
erally called a missionary. 1 ' (M. M. Scott, in Blount, p. 480.) 

These two definitions illustrate the "sweet reasonableness" of much 
recent discussion in Hawaii. 

The future impartial historian of Hawaiian affairs is likely to give, I 
think, this verdict concerning the conduct of the missionaries and their 
descendants, taking them together, that they were loyal to the monarchy 
and served it faithfully, with whatever mistakes of judgment ; that they 
maintained it in power long after it would otherwise have fallen of its own 
weight and under foreign assault ; that they consented to its overthrow 
only when no other reasonable course was left open to them ; and that 
from first to last they stood steadfastly between the natives and foreign 
aggression of divers sorts, their stanchest protector and wisest counsellor ; 
it is to be hoped that the historian will not have occasion to add, that with 
the transference of power from the hands of the " missionary party " to 



LATER PERIOD 125 

Kalakaua elected, 1 thus precipitating a riot which 
was only quelled by the interposition of British and 
American marines. Kalakaua was wanting in the Kalakaua 
intellectual ability, the sanity of judgment, the moral 
fibre, the chiefly dignity, and sense of responsibility, 
which had characterized more or less fully all the 
monarchs of the Kamehameha line. During five 
or six years prior to 1887 it was becoming increas- 
ingly obvious that his principles and conduct were 
suffering a relapse into barbarism. His reign was 
marked during this period by the gradual assump- 
tion of arbitrary powers, by encroachments on the 
prerogatives of legislature and people, by unneces- 
sary and extravagant expenditures and the exploita- 
tion and impairment of the public credit, by shameless 
corruption in the disposal of government franchises, 
and by the deterioration of the civil service. 2 Yield- 
ing to an aroused and threatening public opinion, 
the king appointed a new Cabinet, and on July Fourth 
7, 1887, proclaimed a revised constitution. 3 The jggf 1 

the United States by annexation, and by the influx of foreigners, the 
unmitigated competition of whites, and the introduction of American politi- 
cal methods, the kanaka was forced to the wall. This is what the more 
discerning among them fear most, and not without reason. 

1 What means were used to influence the minds of the members of the 
legislature, I do not know; bribery was charged by the adherents of 
Queen Emma. 

2 For a full account of these matters, see Alexander, in Blount, p. 178 
et seq. ; Oleson, in Senate Report, p. 496; and Hon. A. Kahi (a native), 
idem, p. 758. 

8 This Constitution and that of 1864 are printed in parallel columns in 



126 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

more significant provisions of this Constitution, 
which in other respects was substantially identical 
with that of 1864, are as follows: Art. 20 makes 
ineligible to election to the legislature all govern- 
ment officials and employees, and prohibits members 
of the legislature from holding any civil office, 
except that of a member of the Cabinet. Art. 41 
makes the ministry responsible to the legislature, 
and thus to the people rather than to the crown, 
by providing that Cabinet officers shall be dismissed 
by the king " only upon a vote of want of confidence 
passed by a majority of all the elective members of 
the Legislature, or upon conviction of felony," and 
that " no act of the King shall have any effect 
unless it be countersigned by a member of the 
Cabinet, who by that signature makes himself re- 
sponsible." Art. 48 withdraws the right of absolute 
veto hitherto possessed by the king, — such veto 
being overridden by a two-thirds vote of the elec- 
tive members of the legislature. Arts. 56, 58, and 
59 increase the number of Nobles, attach a property 
qualification to the office, limit their term to six 
years, and deprive the king of the power to appoint 
them, such power being vested in a body of electors 
comprising all male residents of Hawaiian, Ameri- 

the pamphlet entitled, " Sketch of Recent Events." No mention of it, except 
in the chronological table, is made in the first edition of Alexander's 
History, prepared for use in the Hawaiian schools and published in 1891. 



LATER PERIOD 127 

can, or European birth or descent or allegiance, of 
twenty years old or over, who own property to the 
value of three thousand dollars, or are in receipt of 
an income of not less than six hundred dollars, who 
are able to read, and who have resided for three 
years in the islands, — the last two qualifications 
not applying to persons resident in the kingdom at 
the time of the promulgation of the Constitution. 
Art. 62 removes the property qualification of 
Electors of Representatives. Art. j8 explains that 
when the Constitution refers to any act as being 
done by the king or sovereign, "it shall, unless 
otherwise expressed, mean that such act shall be 
done and performed by the Sovereign, by and with 
the advice and consent of the Cabinet." 

These provisions stripped the king of such rem- "Bayonet 
nants of arbitrary power as remained to him, sepa- t ™» ltU " 
rated the government from his person, established a 
responsible ministry, admitted European aliens to the 
suffrage, and gave to the " foreign element " complete 
control of the House of Nobles. That these conces- 
sions were wrested from Kalakaua by force — partly 
" in the form of a well-drilled battalion of the Hono- 
lulu Rifles, composed of white men " * — there is no 
doubt ; it was not inaptly called the " bayonet consti- 
tution." It was therefore to be expected that the 
king would, so far as possible, construe it in his own 

1 " Friend," August, 1887, p. 64. 



128 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



" Wilcox 
Rebellion 



interest and evade its behests. And to this effort 
the remaining years of his reign were in truth largely 
devoted, an effort which the loyalty of the natives — 
inextinguishable despite their comparative indifference 
to the person of Kalakaua, fanned into a fresh flame 
by this revolutionary assault upon their supremacy, 
and directed by certain shrewd whites — rendered in 
considerable degree successful. 

From this time on, the racial conflict is the con- 
spicuous and decisive element in Hawaiian politics. 1 
In the summer of 1889 occurred the "Wilcox Re- 
bellion," "the only instance in Hawaiian history in 
which the natives tried to assert themselves politically 
without foreign help." 2 On the morning of July 30, 
Robert W. Wilcox, a half-breed who had been edu- 



1 Cf. the following frank statement by the Hon. S. M. Damon (in 
Blount, p. 44) : The Hawaiians " have attempted in every succeeding 
Legislature [since the promulgation by Kamehameha V. of the third 
Constitution, in 1864] to work together, but there has always been a 
disintegration in every Legislature. They could not hold themselves 
together compactly as a body. Whenever they have had the oppor- 
tunity to exercise this power it has not been at the level of the intelligent 
Anglo-Saxon idea of making laws or carrying out a system of government. 
It has chafed the Anglo-Saxon. He would not tolerate it. He has found 
that he could control it indirectly, if he could not directly, by his superior 
education and intelligence. The Hawaiians had grown to a feeling of 
independence, and in company with the queen, they wanted to throw off 
that Anglo-Saxon domination which has been with them and controlled 
them all these years. ... It is the clashing of two nationalities for 
supremacy." 

2 From Statement of the Hawaiian Patriotic League, in Blount, p. 
452. 



LATER PERIOD 1 29 

cated in Italy, and who for some time — with the 
probable connivance of the king and Liliuokalani — 
had been engaged in fomenting and organizing native 
discontent, occupied the government buildings with 
a considerable band of armed insurgents, their pur- 
pose being to compel the restoration of the Constitu- 
tion of 1864. They were repelled, however, about 
a score being killed or wounded. Wilcox was tried 
on the charge of treason, and acquitted by a jury of 
natives. 

Kalakaua died January 20, 1891, and his sister 
Liliuokalani succeeded to the throne. Her political Liliuokalani 
and religious sentiments were reactionary, as her 
brother's had been v ; and her private character and 
habits were not above suspicion. She declined at 
first to sign the existing Constitution on the ground 
that " there was a general feeling in the community, 
and principally amongst the native Hawaiians, that 
it was not a good constitution, as it had been forced 
on the king and the Hawaiian people." l Yielding, 
however, either to the counsels of her husband, 
or to pressure from the Cabinet, she took the oath, 
January 29. But the mutual hostility between 
natives and foreigners, and between the various 
groups on each side, grew constantly more acute. It 
would perhaps be difficult to find elsewhere in the 
world a society of similar size so broken into cliques, 

1 Statement of Liliuokalani, in Blount, p. 391. 



130 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

so suspicious and accusative and tempestuous. This 
is painfully and sometimes ludicrously apparent in 
the testimony included in the Blount Report, con- 
taining so many innuendoes, and open and heated 
charges of bribery, subterfuge, and unchastity. 1 Man- 
ifestly, the " Paradise of the Pacific " was not without 
its serpent. This hostility solidified itself in certain 
leagues, one of which — the Hui Kalaiaina, or Ha- 
waiian Political Association — claiming a member- 
ship among the natives of about three thousand, 
repeatedly petitioned the queen, as Kalakaua had 
before his death been besought, to promulgate a new 
constitution. It was asserted that over eight thou- 
sand names were signed to petitions of this nature. 2 
As to the Constitution of 1887, in particular, the 
League made this complaint : 3 — 

" First. This constitution deprived the Crown of Hawaiian Isl- 
lands of its ancient prerogatives. 

" Second. This constitution based the principles of government 
on the forms and spirit of republican governments. 

" Third. This constitution opens the way to a republican gov- 
ernment. 

" Fourth. This constitution has taken the sovereign power and 

1 Thus, Charles T. Gulick, a former Minister of the Interior, sneered at 
the early missionaries as "message-bearers, 11 " sky-pilots, 11 " the anointed " ; 
at the " gentle Puritan " as " smudging with his dirty paw the pages of 
European history " ; at the " missionary party " as given to " cupidity, 1 ' 
"drivel, 11 "moral obliquity, 11 "bullying and browbeating. 11 (In Blount, 
p. 279 et seg.) 

2 In Blount, p. 18. 

3 Ibid., p. 17. 



LATER PERIOD 131 

vested it outside the King sitting on the throne of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom. 

" Fifth. This constitution has limited the franchise of the native 
Hawaiians." 

Of these five considerations — which are really but 
two — it is clear that the first was paramount and 
the second subsidiary; in other words, that the 
memorial sprang from reverence for monarchical 
institutions and for the person of the chief, rather 
than from any conviction that the people ought to 
participate more fully in the function of government. 
Moreover, it seems probable that the desire for a 
new constitution, instead of being spontaneous with 
the natives, was itself engendered in their minds by 
Kalakaua, the queen, and their adherents. 1 

On January 14, 1893, the queen announced her de- Proposed 
termination to abrogate the existing Constitution and Constltutlon 
proclaim another, which should restore and safeguard 
her own rights and those of her native subjects. 
Of course, such an act would be revolutionary, — 
though not more so than that which forced the exist- 
ing Constitution upon Kalakaua. In the view of 
some, the announcement of such a purpose was a 
virtual abdication. And at any rate, there could be 
no doubt that the proposed instrument would be 
reactionary and disastrous in its provisions. 2 The 

1 See Chief Justice Judd's statement in Senate Report (1893-1894), ii. 

445- 

2 This Constitution may be found in full in Blount, p. 581. It 



132 THE MAKING OF HAW An 

ministers, however, refused to sanction the new Con- 
stitution, and dissuaded the queen from executing her 
purpose. Announcing to the natives that her plan 
had been thwarted, she promised to carry it out at 
some future date. Great excitement prevailed at 
Honolulu among all parties. It was obvious that the 
various antagonisms long held in check, but steadily 
growing, had reached the point of inevitable out- 
break. A " Citizens' Committee of Safety " was 
organized. 1 The programme proposed by this com- 
mittee included the abrogation of the monarchy, and 
the establishment of a Provisional Government, the 
ultimate object being annexation to the United States. 
The queen and the Cabinet, alarmed at the situation, 
addressed a proclamation to the people, and a com- 
munication to United States Minister Stevens, declar- 

limits freedom of speech and of the press so far " as may be necessary 
for the protection of Her Majesty, the Queen, and the royal family " (Art. 
3) ; vests the control of the military somewhat more explicitly in the 
queen (Art. 26); pronounces her "private lands and other property" 
inviolable (Art. 39) ; gives her power to appoint the Nobles, for life (Art. 
57) ; limits the right to vote for Representatives to subjects (Art. 62) ; 
re-imposes a property qualification on electors of Representatives (Art. 
62) ; provides that the number of Representatives may be doubled (Art. 
60) ; fixes the tenure of office of Supreme Court Judges at six years 
(Art. 65) ; revives the office of governor of the several islands, which 
had been abolished by the legislature of 1887, and authorizes the queen 
to appoint and commission such governors for the term of four years 
(Art. 73). 

1 This committee was composed of thirteen white residents, six of them 
Hawaiian subjects and the other seven citizens of the United States, of 
Great Britain, and of the German Empire. 



LATER PERIOD 1 33 

ing that the proposal of a new constitution had been 
made " under stress of her native subjects," and giv- 
ing assurance that " any changes desired in the fun- 
damental law of the land [would] be sought only by 
methods provided in the Constitution itself." But 
though this promise was accepted and approved by 
the queen's supporters assembled in mass-meeting, 
it came too late, and was too much distrusted by 
the foreign element, to prevent the impending crisis. 

In response to a request from the committee, the Provisional 
United States Minister caused troops to be landed ment 
from the United States ship Boston, for the protec- 
tion of the persons and property of American citizens. 
A Provisional Government was organized also by the 
committee, consisting of an Executive Council of 
four members, 1 the first of whom was to act as 
President and Chairman of the Council and as Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs, " and the others severally 
administering the Departments of Interior, Finance, 
and Attorney General respectively, in the order in 
which they are above enumerated, according to exist- 
ing Hawaiian Law as far as may be consistent with 
this proclamation." 2 An Advisory Council was ap- 
pointed, which should " also have general legislative 
authority." 3 

1 S. B. Dole, J. A. King, P. C. Jones, and W. O. Smith. 

2 " Two Weeks," p. 34. 

8 This was composed of S. M. Damon, Andrew Brown, Lorrin A. Thurs- 
ton, J. F. Morgan, J. Emmeluth, H. Waterhouse, J. A. McCandless, 



134 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

On the afternoon of January 17, 1893, the Commit- 
tee of Safety and the members of the proposed Provi- 
sional Government took possession of the Government 
Building, there being no resistance, and proclaimed 
the abrogation of the " Hawaiian Monarchical system 
of Government," and the establishment of a Provi- 
sional Government as aforesaid, all officials except 
the Queen, Marshal, and Cabinet being requested to 
retain their offices, and all laws and constitutional 
principles not inconsistent with the new regime be- 
ing continued in force. The writ of habeas corpus 
was suspended and martial law declared by the 
Executive Council, and the surrender of the palace, 
police station, and barracks was demanded. The 
queen yielded to these demands. 1 

On January 19 a commission was despatched to 

E. D. Tenney, F. W. McChesney, F. Wilhelm, Wm. R. Castle, W. G. 
Ashley, W. C. Wilder, and C. Bolte, nine of whom were members of the 
Committee of Safety. 

1 1, Liliuokalani, by the Grace of God and under the Constitution 
of the Hawaiian Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against 
any and all acts done against myself and the Constitutional Government 
of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain persons claiming to have established 
a Provisional Government of and for this Kingdom. 

That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America 
whose Minister Plenipotentiary, his Excellency John L. Stevens, has 
caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared that 
he would support the said Provisional Government. 

Now to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of 
life, I do under this protest and impelled by said force yield my author- 
ity until such time as the Government of the United States shall, upon 
the facts being presented to it, undo the action of its representative 



ate 



LATER PERIOD 1 35 

the United States, empowered to negotiate a treaty 
of annexation. They were followed on the next 
steamer by representatives of the queen, who wrote 
letters of protest and appeal both to President Harri- 
son and to President-elect Cleveland. On February i, 
in response to a request of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, United States Minister Stevens proclaimed a p ro tector- 
protectorate over the islands pending the settlement 
of negotiations at Washington. 

On February 15 President Harrison transmitted 
to the Senate a treaty of annexation, accompanied 
by a message, in which he said : — 

" The overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted 
by this government, but had its origin in what seems to have been a 
reactionary and revolutionary policy on the part of Queen Liliuoka- 
lani, which put in serious peril not only the large and preponderating 
interests of the United States in the islands, but all foreign interests, 
and indeed the decent administration of civil affairs and the peace 
of the islands." 

and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as the Constitutional 
Sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. 

Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, a.d. 1893. 



(Signed) 


LILIUOKALANI, R. 


(Signed) 


Samuel Parker, 




Minister of Foreign Affairs. 


(Signed) 


Wm. H. Corn well, 




Minister of Finance. 


(Signed) 


Jno. F. Colburn, 




Minister of the Interior. 


(Signed) 


A. P. Peterson, 




Attorney General. 



136 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

The treaty not having been ratified by the Senate 
at the expiration of President Harrison's term of 
office, it was withdrawn for reexamination by his suc- 
cessor at the beginning of his administration. On 
March 11 President Cleveland appointed the Hon. 
Commis- James H. Blount " his special commissioner " to visit 
Blount tne islands and report to him " concerning the present 
status of affairs in that country." Mr. Blount reached 
Honolulu March 29, and remained at the islands 
until August. On April 1 he terminated the pro- 
tectorate, hauled down the United States flag from 
the Government Building, and ordered the troops 
removed aboard ship. 

Acting upon his report, the papers with which 
it was accompanied, and the recommendation of Sec- 
retary Gresham, President Cleveland on December 18 
addressed a message to Congress in which he laid 
down the following propositions : — 

" The lawful government of Hawaii was overthrown without the 
drawing of a sword, or the firing of a shot, by a process every step 
of which, it may safely be asserted, is directly traceable to and de- 
pendent for its success upon the agency of the United States, acting 
through its diplomatic and naval representatives. 

" But for the notorious predilections of the United States Minister 
for annexation, the Committee of Safety, which should be called the 
Committee of Annexation, would never have existed. 

" But for the landing of the United States forces upon false pre- 
texts respecting the danger to life and property the committee would 
never have exposed themselves to the pains and penalties of treason 
by undertaking the subversion of the Queen's Government. 



LATER PERIOD 1 37 

" But for the presence of the United States forces in the imme- 
diate vicinity and in position to afford all needed protection and 
support, the committee would not have proclaimed the provisional 
government from the steps of the Government building. 

" And finally, but for the lawless occupation of Honolulu under 
false pretexts by the United States forces, and but for Minister 
Stevens's recognition of the provisional government when the United 
States forces were its sole support and constituted its only military 
strength, the Queen and her Government would never have yielded to 
the provisional government, even for a time and for the sole pur- 
pose of submitting her case to the enlightened justice of the United 
States." 

In accordance with these convictions the President 
declined to submit again to the Senate the treaty of 
annexation. He also informed the Provisional Gov- 
ernment in Honolulu of his desire and expectation 
that it would forthwith restore to the queen the sov- 
ereignty of which she had been treasonably and 
forcibly deprived, while at the same time insisting 
with her upon "a general amnesty to those con- 
cerned in setting up the Provisional Government, 
and a recognition of all its bona fide acts and obli- 
gations." 1 Neither of these propositions met with 
a favorable response. The queen, however, finally 
yielded to the conditions imposed upon her, but the 
Provisional Government replied through Mr. Dole 2 
that it denied "specifically and emphatically" the 
principal allegations of fact on which President 

1 In Blount, p. 16. 

2 Ex. Doc. 70, incorporated in the Blount Report, pp. 40, 42. 



138 THE MAKING OF HAW AH 

Cleveland's action was based; that the downfall of 
the queen was nowise caused by the interference of 
American forces; that the revolution was inevitable, 
and would have occurred if no such forces had 
been on the ground ; and that it was carried 
through by the representatives of the "same public 
sentiment which forced the monarchy to its knees 
in 1887, which suppressed the insurrection of 1889," 
and which for a score of years had been struggling 
to secure a responsible and representative govern- 
ment for the islands. It therefore " respectfully and 
unhesitatingly decline[d] to entertain the proposition 
of the President of the United States, that it should 
surrender its authority to the ex-Queen." Mr. Cleve- 
land, being without power to enforce his suggestion, 
reported the whole matter to Congress, and on 
"Turpie May 31, 1894, the " Turpie Resolution" passed the 
Senate, declaring " that of right it belongs wholly to 
the people of the Hawaiian Islands to establish and 
maintain their own form of government policy; that 
the United States should in no wise interfere 
therewith and that any interference in the political 
affairs of the islands by any other government will be 
regarded as an act unfriendly to the United States." 1 

1 What is very curious is the attitude assumed by Presidents Harrison 
and McKinley, on the one hand, and President Cleveland, on the other, 
and of the two political parties represented by them. The Republicans 
are responsible for the enfranchisement of the negro in the United States ; 
they have always strenuously insisted on the principle of " one man, one 



tion 



LATER PERIOD 1 39 

On May 30 a constitutional convention — composed 
of the President, Cabinet, and Advisory Council of the 
Provisional Government, and of eighteen elected mem- 
bers from the several islands, and embracing in its 
membership persons of American, English, Scotch, 
German, Portuguese, Hawaiian, and mixed blood — 
convened in Honolulu, and on July 3 completed, and Fifth 
on the following day proclaimed, a constitution for the c ° nstl ^ tJ ° n ' 
Republic of Hawaii. 1 Of this Constitution the nota- Republic 

vote " ; they have sought to secure the passage of so-called " force bills," 
pledging the power of the Federal government to the defence of manhood 
suffrage at the South without distinction of " race, color, or previous con- 
dition of servitude." A very large, if not a major, part of the Democratic 
party, on the contrary, has favored the domination in the United States of 
the white race, by means fair or foul. In three Southern states the negro 
has been practically disfranchised by constitutional amendment, and almost 
everywhere else by intimidation or otherwise. Yet as concerns Hawaii, 
this attitude has in both cases been reversed. What the Democrat seems 
to regard with equanimity in New Orleans, rouses indignation in him when 
practised in Honolulu ; and what the Republican denounces as an outrage 
and an atrocity in South Carolina, he condones or approves in Oahu. Yet 
neither the one nor the other seems to be disturbed or instructed by these 
contradictions. If the Southern Democrat could learn from his sympathy 
with the remote kanaka to treat his black compatriot and neighbor more 
justly, and if the Northern Republican could learn from Hawaiian history 
how multifarious and almost insuperable are the difficulties which beset a 
white minority in the midst of a colored population having ostensible 
equality of political rights with themselves, two of the lessons which 
Americans most need to learn would have been taught. 

1 This Constitution is composed of 103 Articles. Of these, the first 
thirteen guarantee certain " Rights of Person and Property " ; Arts. 14-2 
define the Republic, its form and name, its territory, ensign, citizenship, 
and division of powers ; Arts. 21-37 describe the Executive Power, the 
President and the Cabinet ; Arts. 38-80 are devoted to the Legislative 
Power, the Senate, and the House of Representatives; Art. 81 constitutes 



140 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

ble features are: — i. The election of the President 
by the legislature, as in the French Republic ; 2. the 
admittance of aliens to a qualified citizenship by 

and defines the Council of State ; Arts. 82-90 describe the Judicial Power ; 
and the remaining Articles contain Miscellaneous Provisions. As to citi- 
zenship, the Constitution provides that all persons born or naturalized in 
the islands shall be citizens, and that such other residents as assisted in 
the formation and support of the Provisional Government may become 
such without renouncing their allegiance to other powers. For the natu- 
ralization of aliens it provides the following conditions : a residence of two 
years ; intention to become a permanent citizen ; ability to read, write, and 
speak the English language ; an intelligent understanding of the Constitu- 
tion ; subjection to a government having express treaty stipulations with 
the Republic concerning naturalization ; good moral character ; lawful 
occupation or means of support, and clear property amounting to $200. 
Provision is also made for letters of denization. The President must 
be a citizen of the Republic, not less than thirty-five years of age, and 
resident there for not less than fifteen years. He is elected, not by the 
people, but by a majority vote of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, sitting together (including a majority of all the Senators), for the 
term of six years, and is ineligible to reelection for the next succeeding 
term. Cabinet officers are made ex-officio members of both Houses of the 
Legislature, but without a vote. The Senate includes fifteen members, 
holding office for six years, who must be male citizens, not less than thirty 
years of age, able to use the English or Hawaiian language, resident for not 
less than three years, and possessed of property of the net value of not 
less than $3000, or a money income of not less than $1200. The House 
of Representatives includes fifteen members, elected by the cumulative 
method of voting every second year ; their qualifications are like those 
of Senators, except that they must be not less than twenty-five years of 
age and hold property to the value of not less than $1000, or have an 
income of not less than $600. The sessions of the Legislature are 
to be held biennially. No important or peculiar qualification for the 
franchise is demanded, in the election of Representatives, except ability 
"understandingly to speak, read, and write the English or Hawaiian lan- 
guage. 11 Voters for Senators must also own real property in the Republic 
of the net value of $1500, or personal property amounting to $3000, or 




LATER PERIOD 141 

means of letters of denization, — a questionable fea- 
ture ; 3. the ownership of property as a condition of 
naturalization ; 4. the requirement at several points 

have a money income of not less than $600. The Council of State is 
composed of fifteen members, five elected by the Senate, five by the 
House of Representatives, and five appointed by the President with the 
approval of the Cabinet, for a term of office coextensive with that of 
the Legislature. It has power to appropriate public moneys, upon the 
request of the Executive Council, in case of emergency, during the interval 
between the sessions of the Legislature, to act with the Executive Council 
as a Board of Pardons, and to advise the President, when called upon by 
him to do so, in all matters of state. The Judicial Power is vested in a 
Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Legislature may from 
time to time establish, the justices of the Supreme Court holding their 
office during life, subject to impeachment, or to removal by a two-thirds 
vote of all the elective members of the Legislature sitting together. The 
Constitution also provides that all statutes, contracts, treaties, etc., in force 
at the time of its promulgation shall be deemed valid, unless inconsistent 
with its provisions, that the Crown Lands are the property of the govern- 
ment, that no public aid shall be extended to any sectarian or private 
school, and that no lotteries or sale of lottery tickets shall be allowed 
within the Republic. 

It is interesting to learn how this Constitution was made. In a conver- 
sation with Kate Field, President Dole is reported to have said : " Mr. 
Thurston, in Washington, and I, in Honolulu, unknown to each other, began 
to work on a constitution. I devoted almost all my time to it, stayed at 
home, had the books I wanted, and worked deliberately. When Mr. 
Thurston returned, he and I read our drafts over together, made changes, 
and fused the two, taking such parts from both as we thought best. 
Then we had this draft printed, and we called together the Cabinet and 
a number of gentlemen who represented almost every kind of work in the 
islands, about sixteen in all, including ourselves. We went over this 
draft section by section, paragraph by paragraph, word for word, and 
voted on every part. I think that body spent several weeks on it, meet- 
ing every day, and got through just in time for the convention. The con- 
vention went over it in the same way, section by section ; so it had, you 
see, about four complete drafts." 



142 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

of the English or Hawaiian language, bearing chiefly 
against Asiatics ; 5. a property qualification for mem- 
bership in either branch of the legislature, and for the 
franchise in the election of Senators ; 6. membership 
of the Cabinet in both Houses of the legislature ; 
7. the system of cumulative voting for Representa- 
tives ; and 8. the Council of State. The Constitution 
shows familiarity with the best political speculation and 
precedents, and is a skilful blending of liberal and con- 
servative elements, admirably adapted to the situation. 
It was not submitted to popular vote ; it was 
proclaimed like its predecessors; but the oath made 
by the people to support it was construed as a 
quasi-ratification. 1 In due season the Republic was 
" recognized " by the various governments of America 
and Europe. 

It would appear that the long and often bitter 
struggle in Hawaii between feudal and free consti- 
tutional ideas and government was now ended by 
the triumph of the latter. But ended it was not yet. 
Rebellion During the latter part of 1894, and the first days of 
ofl895 1895, a scheme was devised and attempted for over- 
throwing the Republic, proclaiming a new consti- 

1 u The registered voters in 1890, under the monarchy, numbered 
13,593 persons; the registered voters in 1894, under the Provisional 
Government, for delegates to the so-called Constitutional Convention, 
numbered 4477; the actual voters in 1896, under the so-called Republic, 
numbered, for Senators, 2017, and for Representatives 3196." (Ex- 
queen Liliuokalani, in "Hawaii's Story," p. 363.) 



LATER PERIOD 143 

tution, 1 and restoring the ex-queen to the throne. In 
this scheme were implicated a considerable number 
of natives, incited and guided by foreigners and half- 
breeds, the ex-queen herself being privy to the affair. 
Arms were imported from San Francisco and 
secreted. A few skirmishes, however, resulted in 
the defeat and capture of the conspirators. The 
participants in the rebellion, to the number of 190 
and including the ex-queen, were tried by a military 
commission, 37 on the charge of " treason and open 
rebellion," 141 on the charge of "treason," and 12 
on the charge of " misprision of treason." Of the 
whole number only 5 were acquitted, 90 pleading 
guilty. Three others, foreigners, were summarily de- 
ported. Twenty-two more were permitted to leave 
the country, and 37 "suspects" were released, all 
these without trial. The sentence of death was 
passed upon several, but a generous exercise of ex- 
ecutive clemency saved them from that fate. The 
ex-queen before her trial, of her own motion and on 
consultation with her friends, addressed to President 
Dole a statement declaring that "the Government 
of the Republic of Hawaii is the lawful Government 
of the Hawaiian Islands, and that the late Hawaiian 
Monarchy is finally and forever ended and no longer 
of any legal or acute validity, force or effect what- 

1 This Constitution is said to have been written by C. T. Gulick, con- 
cerning whom, see p. 130, foot-note. 



sentiment 



144 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

ever," and presenting her own duly certified oath 
of allegiance to the existing government. The effect 
of the rebellion and its issue was to strengthen the 
Republic in the general regard, and purge the popu- 
lation, at least temporarily, of some of its most 
troublesome and conscienceless elements. 
Annexation Meantime, the sentiment in favor of the annexa- 
tion of Hawaii to the United States was being sedu- 
lously and very skilfully nurtured in both countries. 1 
On March 21, 1843, the Annexation Club was founded 
in Honolulu, with branches throughout the islands. 
On September 30 it reported a membership of 6596, 
being about sixty-three per cent of the whole number 
of votes cast at the general election next preceding, 
and apportioned as follows: Americans, 1449; Ha- 
waiians, 1671 ; Portuguese, 2386; others, 1090. The 
accusation was freely made and probably not without 
some justification, that many plantation laborers and 
native officials were influenced rather by persuasion 
and threats than by annexationist sympathies in join- 
ing this club. Early in the following year it was 
changed into the American Union Party. The argu- 
ments which were urged on both sides in the United 

1 It does not seem needful to rehearse here the various agitations and 
movements for annexation, of earlier dates, or the diplomatic history of 
the islands in general. An account of these may be found in Wharton, in 
the documents accompanying the Blount Report, in the histories of Alexan- 
der and Carpenter, and in " Papers of the Hawaiian Historical Society," 
No. 9. 



LATER PERIOD 145 

States may be summarized as follows : In favor of Arguments 

. . . , for annexa- 

annexation it was said: — tion 

1. That Hawaii is the "child" of America, her 
whole civilization being derived thence, and her best 
people being bound to those of the United States by 
multifarious vital ties; this may be called the senti- 
mental argument. 

2. It was urged that it has been the unwavering 
policy of America through half a century to prevent 
the absorption or domination of Hawaii by any other 
power, and that there have been frequent official at- 
tempts to bring her into the Union — three several 
treaties to that end having been partially negotiated 
prior to the one which proved successful ; this may 
be called the historical argument. 

3. The strategic position of the islands was dwelt 
upon, their possession as a coal base by the United 
States imposing on any other power the necessity of 
steaming between seven thousand and eight thousand 
miles, back and forth, in assaulting her western coast, 
while giving her decisive advantages throughout the 
North Pacific and in Asia. This is the argument 
geographical and military. 

4. It was urged that the Hawaiian foreign trade, 
already over $208 per capita and certain to be im- 
mense when the population shall be tenfolded, would 
thus be assured to the United States; this is the com- 
mercial argument. 



against an 
nexation 



146 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

5. It was contended that annexation would remove 
from international politics a vexed and threatening 
subject, — Russia, Great Britain, and France having 
already at various times raised their flags over the 
group, and Japan being supposed to look upon them 
with covetous eye ; this is the argument political. 
These several reasonings, especially the third and 
the last, gained greatly in cogency as the Cuban 
war came on, and its certain and contingent issues 
were foreshadowed in the public mind. 

Against annexation it was urged : — 
Arguments i. That such an act would be antagonistic, or at 
least uncongenial, to the spirit and history of Ameri- 
can institutions; that it would be the first step in a 
new and perilous policy of " imperialism " ; and that 
it would be a virtual abandonment, or at any rate a 
serious impairment of the Monroe doctrine. 

2. That it would involve the United States in 
international complications, and especially in the 
inevitable and impending struggle of European 
powers in the Far East. 

3. That for such enterprises the civil service of the 
United States is wholly unfit, in traditions, training, 
literature, and personnel, and that it would be further 
and hopelessly corrupted by them. 

4. That the islands are so remote that their posses- 
sion would be a source of weakness rather than of 
strength in time of war. 



LATER PERIOD 147 

5. That annexation would necessitate a consider- 
able increase of the army and navy, and large expen- 
ditures for fortifications and armaments. 

6. That the population of the islands, being largely 
of inferior or of Asiatic stock, would add still further 
elements of discord and debility to a nation already 
too heterogeneous. 

7. That the Hawaiian Republic was a republic 
only in name, being in fact an oligarchy of foreigners 
and adventurers, who had forcibly and feloniously, 
and with the help of American arms, wrested the 
sovereignty from the hands of the natives, and that 
annexation would therefore be immoral. 

8. That it was urged in the interest of sugar 
planters and speculators, who had already profited to 
the extent of sixty or seventy millions of dollars by 
the remission of customs duties since the reciprocity 
treaty was made, and that it would imperil the 
American beet-sugar industry. 

9. That it would incorporate a leper colony in 
the body politic. 

10. And, finally, that a protectorate would secure 
all the substantial advantages, and escape all the 
serious disadvantages, which might be anticipated 
from annexation. 

Perhaps it may be said that the friends of annex- 
ation had the best of the argument, so far as it 
concerned matters military and strategic, but were 



148 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

outmatched by their opponents in the political and 
social field. And at any rate the sudden and pro- 
found change of temper in international and "colo- 
nial" affairs, which the war with Spain wrought in 
the American people, was decisive of the question. 
Treaty of On June 1 6, 1897, a treaty 1 was transmitted to the 
Senate, ceding all rights of sovereignty in the islands 
to the United States, and providing for their annex- 
ation as the Territory of Hawaii. It stipulated that 
the existing laws of the United States, relative to 
public lands, should not apply in the new territory ; 
that revenues from these should be used exclusively 
for the benefit of the inhabitants ; that the President 
should provide temporarily for the government of the 
islands, their existing municipal legislation remaining 
meantime in force; that the United States should 
assume the Hawaiian public debt, not to exceed four 
millions of dollars ; that Chinese immigration should 
be discontinued ; and that five commissioners should 
be appointed, who should recommend to Congress 
such legislation concerning the territory as they 
should deem necessary and proper. 

The following day ex-queen Liliuokalani filed in 
the office of the Secretary of State a protest against 
the proposed action, which ran in part as fol- 
lows : — 

1 Signed by John Sherman, Francis March Hatch, Lorrin A. Thurston, 
and William A. Kinney. 



LATER PERIOD 1 49 

" I declare such treaty to be an act of wrong toward the native and 
part-native population of Hawaii, an invasion of the rights of the rul- 
ing chiefs, in violation of international rights both toward my people 
and toward friendly nations with whom they have made treaties, the 
perpetuation of the fraud whereby the constitutional government was 
overthrown and, finally, an act of gross injustice to me. . . . Be- 
cause my people, about 40,000 in number, have in no way been 
consulted by those, 3000 in number, who claim the right to destroy 
the independence of Hawaii. . . . Said treaty ignores not only the 
civic rights of my people, but, further, the hereditary property of 
their chiefs. ... It is proposed by said treaty to confiscate said 
property, technically called the crown lands [above 900,000 acres], 
those legally entitled thereto either now or in succession receiving 
no consideration whatever for estates, their title to which has been 
always undisputed, and which is legally in my name at this date." 

This treaty not being ratified, a joint resolution "Newknds 
providing for annexation was approved July 7, 1898, 
and the American flag — the same one which Com- 
missioner Blount had hauled down in 1893 — was 
raised again at Honolulu, at noon, August 12, 1898. 
The " Newlands Resolution " directed the President 
to appoint five Commissioners as aforesaid, at least 
two of whom should be residents of the islands. 1 The 
bill reported by these Commissioners shows every- 
where the influence of the admirable Constitution in 
force. Its principal recommendations are as follows : 
that the islands be erected into a territory of the 
United States which shall be styled " the Territory 

1 The Commission consisted of the Hons. S. M. Cullom, J. F. Morgan, 
R. R. Hitt, S. B. Dole, and W. F. Frear. 



olution 



150 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

of Hawaii " ; that all white persons, including Portu- 
guese, all persons of African descent, and all natives 
and part-natives who were citizens of the Republic 
immediately prior to annexation, be declared citizens 
of the United States ; that a legislature be organized 
in two houses, a Senate and a House of Representa- 
tives; that a moderate property or income qualifica- 
tion be imposed on Senators, Representatives, and 
voters for Senators, and an educational qualification 
on all voters ; that a cumulative system of voting be 
continued ; that a governor, secretary of the territory, 
United States district judge, district attorney, and 
marshal be appointed by the President; that the leg- 
islature have power to create town, city, and county 
municipalities; 1 that the system of "mixed juries" be 
abolished; 2 that a delegate to the United States 
House of Representatives be elected by the qualified 
voters for territorial Representatives ; that officers of 
the territory be appointed by the governor as follows : 

1 Neither Honolulu nor any other Hawaiian town has ever had a sepa- 
rate existence or a municipal government. 

2 " Aboriginal Hawaiians and those of mixed Hawaiian and foreign 
blood are entitled in criminal cases to be tried by a jury of Hawaiians. 
In civil cases where one party or the other is Hawaiian and the other a 
foreigner, a "mixed " jury is drawn. Asiatics are tried by a foreign jury, 
composed of foreign residents, Americans, Germans, British as they 
happen to be, also Hawaiian born of foreign blood. Unanimity in verdicts 
has never been required. Nine of the twelve jurors who hear the case 
can render a verdict. Forty-five years 1 experience has not led the com- 
munity to doubt the advisability of this principle and we should part with 
it with regret." (Chief Justice A. F. Judd, in "Annual" for 1898, p. 97.) 



LATER PERIOD 151 

an attorney general, a treasurer, a superintendent 
of public works, a superintendent of public instruc- 
tion, an auditor and a deputy auditor, a surveyor, and 
a chief sheriff — as also the judges of the several 
courts, and the members of various public boards ; 
that the laws of the United States prohibiting con- 
tract labor be extended to Hawaii; and that the Sec- 
retary of Agriculture be authorized to make a special 
investigation of all matters pertaining to public lands, 
public roads, etc., " bearing upon the prosperity of 
the territory." To this report the Commission added 
a declaration that it ought not to be " accepted as an 
index or precedent to be followed in the plan of gov- 
ernment for Porto Rico and the Philippines," whose 
inhabitants — unlike those of Hawaii — are not 
"familiar with our system of government, or with 
any other based on the principles of liberty." 1 

With the adoption of this bill by Congress the con- 
stitutional evolution of Hawaii will be complete, — 
unless, indeed, the territory be erected finally into a 
sovereign state of the American Union. The process 
has been one of singular interest and instructiveness; 
and its issue, whether desirable or not, has long been 
foreseen as inevitable by discerning minds. 

The materials for tracing the development of law in Growth of 
the islands are to be found: — 1. in the " Blue Book " 
of 1842; 2. the "Statute Laws," etc., of 1846; 3. the 

1 Report, p. 18. 



152 THE MAKING OF HAW AH 

Civil Code of 1859; 4. the Penal Code of 1869; 5. the 
Compiled Laws of 1884 ; 6. the Acts of the Provisional 
Government, 1893; 7. the Constitution and Laws of 
the Republic. 1S94; 8. the Civil Laws (compiled), 
1897; 9. the Penal Laws (compiled). 1S97; and 10. the 
ten volumes of Hawaiian Reports (Supreme Court), 
1S47-1S97. 

By the Judiciary Act of 1892, the Common Law of 
England, whose " conclusions, doctrines, principles, 
definitions, and applications " John Ricord, almost 
half a century before, had sought to incorporate, so far 
as was then practicable, into the statute laws of Kame- 
hameha III., was made the Common Law of the 
Hawaiian Islands. " Equity jurisprudence was defi- 
nitely established for the first time in 1S76, since 
which time its limits have been steadily defined and 
established, until the equity jurisprudence of Hawaii 
has reached practically the same form with American 
and English equity." : As was inevitable, the succes- 
sive volumes of Hawaiian statutes contain much con- 
tradictor}- and confusing matter. In 1S90 Attorney 
General Ashford complained, in his annual report, 
that — 

" many provisions, especially of the Penal Code, are so antiquated as 
to be entirely out of harmony with the spirit of the present age, while 
much of the Civil Code is founded upon principles and facts that 

1 Attorney General A. S. Hartwell. in "Hawaiian Gazette," February 
21, 1899. 



LATER PERIOD , 1 53 

have been swept out of existence by our present Constitution. Both 
codes are so completely overlaid with extending, amending, and 
repealing Acts, that great uncertainty as to the present state of the 
law must be the lot of the layman who consults these volumes, while 
perplexity upon the same subject exists, and must continue, even in 
the minds of courts and lawyers, until the present tangle is un- 
ravelled. The publication issued in 1884, under the name of Com- 
piled Laws was, at that time, so inadequate in scope and execution as 
to fall far short of meeting the public needs. Since then the laws 
passed at four Sessions of the Legislature have contributed still 
further to the urgency of the situation, which should now be dealt 
with in a systematic manner and liberal spirit." 

Two years later, in his Report to the Legislature 
(pp. 103, 104), Attorney General Whiting concurred in 
this complaint and recommendation of his predecessor, 
and suggested the appointment of a Commission to 
codify the laws already in force and recommend such 
new legislation as might seem desirable. Since that 
time, under the Provisional Government, the Republic, 
and as a Territory of the United States — whose status, 
owing to the failure of Congress to take action, is in 
important respects uncertain — changes have befallen 
the islands with bewildering rapidity; and the time 
has not yet come when the laws can be accurately 
adjusted to these new conditions. 

The various volumes of " Session Laws," and in 
particular the " Reports " of the Supreme Court, 
contain many interesting contributions to the social 
history of the islands. Thus, Mr. Justice McCully, 
on examining the records of the sixteen crown cases 



154 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

which had been appealed to the Supreme Court prior 
to 1888 ("Friend," January and February, 1888), 
found that nine of the defendants were Chinese, five 
Hawaiians, one American, and one Norwegian. Of 
the causes, one concerned a lottery, one perjury, and 
three the sale of opium. Several cases involved 
water-rights, taro and rice culture — the old Hawaiian 
and the new Chinese industries — being in collision. 
Other cases concerned the right of way, growing out 
of the evolution of ancient footpaths into roads and 
streets ; others, boundary lines antedating the prac- 
tice of surveying by instruments. There were nu- 
merous " bills in equity for the cancellation of deeds 
on the ground that aged and ignorant Hawaiians 
had been deceived in executing" these instruments. 
There were cases involving confusion from the loose 
methods of employing proper names habitual to the 
natives — as when one Naihe gained the sobriquet 
Kikipine or "Six Pins," from being employed in a 
bowling alley. There were leprosy cases, mostly 
turning on the question whether the segregation laws 
were constitutional. And there were cases involving 
the right to fish out to " chin deep," and of tenants in 
the waters of landlords, 
character It should be added that Hawaii furnishes a striking 

of judiciary ;n us t ra tion of the social value of a competent and 
conscientious judiciary. That her institutions have 
developed so steadily, amid circumstances of contin- 



LATER PERIOD 1 55 

uous change and confusion, when foreign processes 
and precedents were being adopted; amid the con- 
stant clamor of racial, partisan, private, and corporate 
interests ; and hindered often by serious legislative 
incapacity and corruption, appears to be due in con- 
siderable measure to the ability, the candor, the 
catholicity, the uprightness, the steadiness, the dig- 
nity, and the courage which have in general charac- 
terized those who have sat upon her Supreme Bench. 
That the monarchy survived so long as it did, and 
that the rights of the native population were so far 
safeguarded, is to be ascribed in large part to this 
cause. 1 The Hon. Francis Wayland, Dean of the 
Yale Law School, reports 2 a trial which he witnessed 
at Honolulu in the year 1885, an ^ which he evidently 
regarded as characteristic. The accused was charged 
with manslaughter in the first degree. The jury 
was — 

"selected and impanelled in precisely thirty-five minutes. ... In 
less than three hours from the swearing of the first witness, the case 
for the government was concluded, and this with due deliberation. 
. . . The defence was prolonged to a period slightly exceeding four 

1 Cf. the remarks recently made by Chief Justice Judd, at the dinner 
given in recognition of the quarter-centennial of his elevation to the 
Supreme Bench : — "It seems to me that we ought to set a shining 
example to all men of the way in which a brown race can be treated by 
the white, treated justly and generously." (" Hawaiian Gazette, 11 February 
21, 1899.) 

2 Paper read at the annual meeting of the National Prison Association, 
Detroit, October 19, 1885. 



156 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

hours. . . . The jniy were addressed by the counsel for the prisoner 
and for the state in arguments of marked ability, consuming, taken 
together, considerably less than three hours. . . . Half an hour 
sufficed for the charge of the judge. Two hours later, the jury 
returned to the court-room and stated through their foreman that 
they had agreed upon a verdict. . . . From the commencement 
to the conclusion of the trial, the entire time occupied had been 
fourteen hours. . . . During and subsequent to the trial, the news- 
papers confined themselves to a literal transcript of the proceedings. 
. . . No flowers from fair hands solaced the sufferings of the 
oner. ... As between themselves, [the counsel] maintained through- 
out the manners of gentlemen. . . . From first to last, no wit 
was bullied or badgered or cajoled or teased or ridiculed. . . . 
Under the laws of the land, [the verdict] was accepted, recorded, 
and followed by the sentence of the accused, although it represented 
only nine out of the twelve jurymen ; in other words, there were 
three dissenting jurors." 



LAND TENURE 



The evolution of land tenures in the Hawaiian 
Islands is a subject of much difficulty, and it cannot 
be fully traced in this volume. It has perhaps passed 
through seven stages, though the first two of these 
are prehistoric and only conjectural. 1 They are: — 

1. Patriarchal. 

2. Tribal ox Communal; — as among the Maoris 
and Samoans. 

3. Feudal; occupants being tenants-at-will of the 

1 See Alexander, in "Annual" for 1891 ; Dole, in "Papers of the Ha- 
waiian Historical Society.*' No. 3 : and Hawaiian Reports, ii. and vi. 
(Judges Robertson, Allen, and Judc). 






LATER PERIOD 1 57 

chiefs, and lands being liable to redistribution on 
the death either of chief or tenant. 1 

4. Hereditary ; the principle of reversion of lands 
to the king at the death of the tenant being re- 
placed by that of succession in his family, though 
without ownership — a principle affirmed by Kame- 
hameha I., unsuccessfully opposed by Kamehameha 
II., and reaffirmed by the chiefs after his death at 
the suggestion of the regent Kalaimoku and of 
Lord Byron. Occupancy became thus more secure, 
the sense of rights in the soil was engendered, the 
institution of the family was made more coherent, 
and land became a commodity, having a market 
value. 

5. First Allodial ; the principle being announced 
in the Bill of Rights (1839), but without definition 
or guarantee. 

6. Second Allodial ; the principle being emphasized 
in the first Constitution (1840). 

1 "When the islands were conquered by Kamehameha I., he followed 
the example of his predecessors, and divided out the lands among his prin- 
cipal warrior chiefs, retaining, however, a portion in his hands, to be cul- 
tivated or managed by his own immediate servants or attendants. Each 
principal chief divided his lands anew, and gave them out to an inferior 
order of chiefs, or persons of rank, by whom they were subdivided again 
and again ; after passing through the hands of four, five or six persons, 
from the King down to the lowest class of tenants. All these persons were 
considered to have rights in the lands, or the productions of them. The 
proportions of these rights were not very clearly defined, but were never- 
theless universally acknowledged.' 11 (" Principles adopted by the Board of 
Commissioners to Quiet Land Titles," in " Statute Laws, 11 ii. 81.) 



Mahele 



158 THE MAKING OF HAW AH 

7. Third Allodial ; the principle being defined in 
the Organic Act of 1845, accepted by the king and 
chiefs in Privy Council, and executed by the Board 
of Commissioners to Quiet Land Titles. This Board, 
which was provided for in 2d Kamehameha III., 1 
and whose task was one of exceptional delicacy and 
difficulty, secured a mahele, or division of lands, in 
1 848-1 850, which brought the immemorial feudal 
system, weakened by successive assaults and conces- 
sions, to an end, and fully established the principle 
of private allodial property in land. 
Great By this mahele a portion of the soil was set apart to 

the king and his successors on the throne as their 
private property — the " crown lands " ; another por- 
tion to the government — the "government lands"; 
another to the chiefs or landlords; and another — 
the kuleanas — to those tenants who had occupied 
and cultivated them since 1839, the date of the 
Bill of Rights. Partly on their own motion, but 
largely through the urgency of the missionaries and 
others, 2 the natives in considerable numbers — some 
eleven thousand in the course of time — put in 
claims and secured awards to the lands they occupied, 
in areas averaging from two to four acres. 

1 See "Statute Laws," i. 107 et seq. 

2 " Many thought it to be a ruse to tempt them to build better houses, 
fence the lands, plant trees, and make such improvements in cultivation as 
should enrich the chiefs, who are the hereditary owners of the soil, while 
to the old tenants no profit would accrue. 1 ' (Coan, " Life, 1 ' p. 124.) 



LATER PERIOD 1 59 

This free and cheerful surrender of immemorial 
prerogative by the king and chiefs has often been 
praised as an event almost unique in history, and 
a distinct triumph of the moral and the ideal. And 
so it was ; but when we consider that it resulted in 
the absolute ownership by the king of nearly a mill- 
ion acres, by the chiefs of a million and a half, by 
the government of an amount about as great as that 
assigned the chiefs, and by the common people of 
some twenty-eight thousand acres only, its actual 
beneficent results do not appear imposing. The 
intent, however, was good ; and it was further shown 
by the offer of government lands for sale at nominal 
prices, so that such natives as were excluded from 
ownership by the terms of the aforesaid division 
might secure homesteads. 1 The social advantages 
which were expected to result from the acquisition 
by the natives of these lands, were very well summed 
up by the Roman Catholic Bishop Maigret, in a letter 
to the Hon. R. C. Wyllie, dated April 27, 1847 : 2 — 

1 " I have known thousands of acres sold for twenty-five cents, other 
thousands for twelve and a half cents, and still others for six and a quarter 
cents an acre. These lands were, of course, at considerable distances 
from towns and harbors. But even rich lands near Hilo and other ports 
sold at one, two, or three dollars per acre. . . . Those who accepted or 
bought land now [1881] find its value increased ten, and, in some cases, a 
hundred fold." (Coan, "Life," pp. 124, 125.) 

In a letter to the author, Professor Alexander says that " at least 300,000 
acres were disposed of in this way." 

2 "Answers to Questions," pp. 56, 57. 



i6o 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



" The natives then will have something to eat, and wherewith to 
clothe themselves ; they will labor with gladness, because they will 
be interested in their labor, and the fruit of their labor will be in- 
sured to them ; parents, in future, will be able to raise their families ; 
the multiplication of marriages will be encouraged ; we will no longer 
see the plurality of adoptive fathers so hurtful to filial love and the 
correction of children ; the natives will become attached to a spot of 
ground which they well know belongs to them ; they will then con- 
struct habitations more solid, more durable, more spacious, more 
healthy, and fitted for the preservation of good morals ; we will no 
longer see so many vagabonds, who live only at the expense of 
others, and who unceremoniously enter the first house they come to ; 
the natives will no longer lie down on the wet and muddy ground ; 
in their houses there will no longer be the disgusting intermixture, 
whence originate so many diseases and so much corruption; the 
people will bless the sovereign who governs them," etc. 

By i860 most of the desirable government land had 
been sold, chiefly to natives, or set apart for the 
purposes of education. 1 Gradually, however, the real 
property of the islands came under the control of 
wealthy individuals and corporations, and for the 
most part in large areas. The " crown lands " were 
leased to planters and ranchers, and the government 
was administered in their interest rather than in the 
interest of a peasant proprietorship. Of " govern- 
ment lands," grants (sales) were made to five indi- 
viduals, aggregating 353,714 acres. The common 
people were careless of their rights and interests, and 



1 In 1850 one-twentieth part of all public lands was devoted for the 
support of schools ; part of this has been sold, part is leased, and part is 
used as sites for school buildings. 



LATER PERIOD l6l 

easily parted with their holdings. The chiefs fell into 
habits of extravagance, contracted debts, and mort- 
gaged their estates to the whites, or died without 
heirs and intestate ; and thus their lands were alien- 
ated. Already, in 1862, I find it reported 1 that about 
three-quarters of all the real property on Oahu, except 
in the district of Waialua, was under the control of 
the "foreign element," and in Waialua about one- 
half. According to the census of 1896, there were 
6327 landowners in the islands, .058 per cent of the 
population; and of these 3995 were of pure Hawaiian 
blood, being .128 per cent of all Hawaiians. Of the 
natives, 51.94 per cent owned the homes in which 
they dwelt. The acreage on which taxes were paid, 
however, is distributed as follows : 2 — 

Europeans and Americans 1,052,492 

Natives 257,457 

Half-castes 53^545 

Chinese 12,324 

Japanese 200 

Portuguese and others None 

Thus, the full-blood Hawaiians own in severalty 
only .06 of the soil of the islands. Within three 
generations they have alienated substantially the 
whole of their domain, or — if one choose to put it so 
— have been dispossessed by those whom they have 
welcomed to their ancestral home. Since 1884 several 

1 " Missionary Herald," lvii. 374. 2 In Blount, p. 77. 

M 



62 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



efforts have been made to promote small holdings. 
Ex-President Dole is a strenuous advocate of this 
policy; 1 and at its first session the legislature of the 
Republic passed an admirable land act (1895), which 
provides, among other matters, for homestead leases, 
covering from eight to forty-five acres according to 
quality of land, and running for 999 years, without 
purchase price or rent, and conditioned only on con- 
tinuous occupation as homes, payment of taxes, and a 
certain degree of improvement ; and also for right of 
purchase leases of from one hundred to four hundred 
acres, and cash freeholds, under liberal conditions. 
Under this law land has been taken up as follows: 2 — 

Table 





Right of Purchase 
Leases 


Cash Freeholds 


Special Agreements 


Home- 
steads 




T3 






T3 






•0 






*6 




Land District 

























X 






O cm 

A C 


<u 


3 


O bo 


CI 

u 


V 

3 


uc 


in 

V 




3 


O bO 






























£ 


<! 


> 


£ 


< 


> 


£ 


< 


> 


55 


< 


First (Hilo & 
























Puna Ha- 
























waii) . . 


«8 3 


8588.11 


$66060.58 


14 


564 


$349300 


44 


3013.00 


$22388.80 






Second (Hama- 
























kua & Ko- 
























hala) . . . 


86 


3286.25 


26785.30 


4 


144 


360.OO 


iQ 


1279.00 


10691.00 


9 


47.00 


Third (Kona & 
























Kau) . . . 


12 


467-54 


I948.64 


1 


8 


95.00 


5 


280.10 


4110.25 


33 


545-64 


Fourth (Maui, 
























M 1 k a i & 
























Lanai) 


48 


4111.43 


I0860.27 








19 


1776.96 


9375.00 


34 


612.17 


Fifth (Oahu) . 




















10 


26 00 


Totals . . 


329 


16453-33 


$105654.79 


19 


716 


$3948.00 


87 


6349-o6|$46s65.o5 


86 


1230.81 



1 See summary of article read before the Social Science Association, in 
the "Friend," for September, 1891. 

s These figures are corrected to January I, 1899. I owe them to the 
courtesy of the Hon. S. B. Dole and J. F. Brown, Agent of Public Lands. 



LATER PERIOD 



I6 3 



Summary of Above 





Number of 
Holdings 


Acres 


Value 


Right of Purchase Leases . . 

Cash Freeholds 

Special Agreements .... 
Homesteads 


329 
19 
87 

86 


16,453-33 

716.OO 

6,349.06 

1,230.81 


$105,654.79 

3,948.00 

46,565.05 


Totals 


521 


24,749.20 


$156,167.84 



It thus appears that the homestead lease, which 
was specially designed to secure holdings to native 
families, has not been extensively availed of. The 
kanaka prefers life in town ; he is not likely to 
recover any considerable portion of the patrimony 
which he has alienated. 

The following table shows the nationality of ap- 
plicants for land and the respective areas taken up : — 



Nationality 


Holdings 


Acres 


American 




103 


7,445.86 


Portuguese . 




130 


4,092.13 


Hawaiian x . 




223 


8,382.25 


British 




21 


1,359.20 


Russian 




IO 


844.OO 


German 




17 


835-3I 


Norwegian . 




II 


586.OO 


Japanese 




3 


18545 


French 




2 


189.OO 


Italian 




1 


20.00 


Total 


521 


24,749.20 



In addition to the foregoing, land has been purchased by persons of 
unknown nationality, who were the holders of a certain class of old crown 
leases, the further issuing of which was discontinued from the date of the 
Land Act ; these Olaa lands amount to 8683 acres, valued at $37,312. 

1 Under the head of " Hawaiian " are included Hawaiian born of foreign 
parents ; these, however, are few as compared with native Hawaiians. 



1 64 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

Of the domains formerly pertaining to the crown 
and to the government, but treated by the Republic 
as alike " public lands," and as such turned over to 
the United States, there are about a million and 
three-quarters acres, valued at five and a half million 
dollars. The leases under which this land is held 
expire from time to time, — all of them by 1921 ; 
it will thus be possible gradually to break up the 
large holdings into homesteads and distribute them 
widely among an agricultural population. Probably 
this ought to be done, unless, at any rate, the planters 
in the meantime adopt of their own motion some 
method of cooperative production which would secure 
a like social result. 1 



1 " The land system of the Republic of Hawaii, which encourages the 
settlement of individuals on small farms, has been very successful. The 
number of small landholders is constantly increasing, thus adding mate- 
rially to the taxable value of the real estate affected, and developing a 
prosperous and conservative class of citizens. The continuation of this 
policy under annexation is vital to a successful settlement of the public 
land by a class which by its industry and its interest in public affairs 
shall favorably affect the future politics of the country. . . . Speculators 
are dissatisfied with the Hawaiian land system, which intentionally ex- 
cludes them from all participation in its benefits, and are looking hopefully 
to Washington for legislation that shall open the public lands to their 
manipulation, and are discussing means to promote such legislation." 
(Hon. S. B. Dole, in " Harper's Weekly," February u, 1899.) 

The American Secretary of Agriculture is charged in the bill reported 
to Congress by the Hawaiian Commission, with the duty of investigating 
the land question in the islands. 



LATER PERIOD 165 

EDUCATION 

Education, in the academic sense of the word, 
began with the arrival of the first American mission- 
aries, in 1820. These were instructed by the Board 
which sent them out " to aim at nothing short of cov- 
ering the Sandwich Islands with fruitful fields, and 
pleasant dwellings, and schools and churches, and of 
raising the whole people to an elevated state of Chris- 
tian civilization." Among their number were two 
professional teachers, but the entire band, and those 
who came after, were educators by imperative decree 
of their New England traditions and training. They 
began to teach the people forthwith — as many as one 
hundred and fifty district schools being sometimes 
connected with a single missionary station — and con- 
tinued in the discharge of this function until 1843, 
when it was transferred in large part to the government. 
The pupils in the first schools were exclusively adults, 
and to a considerable extent of high rank. " If the 
palapala [letters] is good, we wish to possess it first 
ourselves ; if it is bad, we do not intend our subjects 
to know the evil of it ; " * so sagely reasoned the chiefs. 
Among the early pupils of the Rev. Asa Thurston 
were the king, his two wives, his brother and suc- 
cessor, John Ii, — afterward of such distinguished ser- 
vice in assisting to establish a constitutional form of 

1 Stewart, op. cit., p. 137. 




1 66 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

government, and as a judge of the Supreme Court, — 
and about a score of chiefs, of both sexes. The in- 
struction was at first in English, and was mediated in 
part through assistants conversant with both tongues. 
As soon as possible, however, the native language 
was reduced to writing, and put to use in the schools. 
Printing Early in 1822 a spelling-book was printed in 

Hawaiian, the king himself " pulling " the first sheet 
January 7. Within eight years thereafter, twenty-two 
books were issued, amounting to more than ten and 
a quarter millions of pages, besides a third as many 
more which were printed in the United States, in 
the Hawaiian tongue. 1 The pupils were very apt to 
learn. 2 Persuaded of the real value of education, or 
at any rate delighted with this novel and piquant 
experience, many of the chiefs opened and maintained 
schools for their subjects, of all ages. Teachers were 
sent to the several districts, in the various islands, 
where they were provided by the people, at command 
of the chiefs, with huts, food, clothing. 3 Hoapili, gov- 
ernor of Maui in 1835, "required all children above 
four years of age to attend school, and ordered that 

1 "Missionary Herald, 11 xxviii. 6. 

2 " It is astonishing how many have learned to read with so few books. 
They teach each other, making use of banana leaves, smooth stones, and 
the wet sand on the sea beach, as tablets." "Their power of memory is 
wonderful, acquired, as I suppose, by the habit of committing and reciting 
traditions and the genealogies of their kings and priests. " (Judd, op. at., 
pp. 20, 21.) 

8 Dibble, op. cit., p. 246. 



LATER PERIOD 1 67 

no man or woman in his jurisdiction should hold any- 
public office, or have a license to marry, who could 
not read and write." 1 Such decrees as this, and the 
irresistible influence of chiefly example — especially 
that of the regent Kaahumanu — crowded the schools, 
as many as forty or fifty thousand pupils being for 
some time in more or less regular attendance. These 
schools, " taught " by natives who themselves had the 
scantiest learning, and sometimes occupying only an 
hour or two toward evening, 2 were under the general 
supervision of the missionaries. What these sought 
to do by means of them, they themselves explained, 
in 1835 : — " Mental Culture has not been in the com- 
mon schools, especially of adults, our most prominent 
object. . . . But the general object has been to sup- 
ply, in some measure, the want of family government, 
of home training, and of a well-regulated civil govern- 
ment : to restrain from vice and crime, and to supply, 
by a mild and salutary influence, the absence of the 
dominating social power once derived from a horrid 
superstition. It has afforded, to a great extent, by 
the pen, slate, pencil and book, a substitute for the 
pleasure which the people once derived from games 
of chance, or from athletic sports in connection with 
gambling risks. In many cases instruction imparted 
by dictation, and the exercise of joint recitation, or 

1 The Rev. C. M. Hyde, in "Annual" for 1892, p. 121. 

2 Dibble, op. cit. y p. 246. 



1 68 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

cantillation, of moral lessons by classes, have proved 
an admirable substitute for the lewd song and the 
lascivious dance." 1 This view is in a high degree dis- 
cerning ; it constitutes a vindication of the wisdom of 
those who had the matter in charge, all the more con- 
vincing when we recall the fact that manual labor was 
in every case a part of the "curriculum of study." 
But the edge of this novelty grew dull, Kaahumanu 
died, the king cared less for learning than for liquor, 
royal and chiefly example altered, and these common 
schools fell to pieces. In 1837 only about two 
thousand pupils were reported as in attendance. 
Better Meantime, the matter was being gradually shifted 

to another and more secure basis. Select schools 
were opened at the various stations, and taught by 
the missionaries. In 1831 there had been established 
at Lahainaluna a seminary for the more adequate 
training of teachers and pastors. At first it was 
attended solely by adults, most of them married men, 
and the course of study embraced mathematics 
through trigonometry and surveying, political econ- 
omy, philosophy, and the like. Afterward it became, 
and remains, a boarding school for boys. In 1833 
the Oahu Charity School for half-caste children was 
opened in Honolulu; it grew into the present high 
school. July 31, 1835, a school was established on 
Maui for the training of girls in spinning, knitting, 

1 Quoted by Hyde, op. cit., p. 121. 



schools 



LATER PERIOD 1 69 

and weaving, — to which arts were afterward added 
those of washing, ironing, sewing, and the culture of 
silkworms. In 1836 a high school was opened at 
Hilo, and three years later a preparatory boarding 
school. In 1837 eight more " well qualified teachers" 
were sent out by the American Board. In 1839 
Roman Catholic schools were established. In 1840 a 
boarding school, largely for training in agriculture, 
was begun, at Waialua, Oahu ; and a family school 
for young chiefs at Honolulu — now the Royal School 
— which has included among its pupils Kamehameha 
IV., Queen Emma, Kamehameha V., Lunalilo, Kala- 
kaua, Liliuokalani, and Mrs. Bernice Pauahi Bishop. 
In 1 84 1 a school for missionaries' children was in- 
augurated at Punahou, which afterward became and 
remains Oahu College. Meanwhile, the common 
schools had been provided on this wise with more 
capable teachers, and in 1841 it was reported that 
there were 357 such schools, having a total enrol- 
ment of 18,034 pupils. The press also had been The press 
active. In 1834 the first Hawaiian newspapers were 
established, — the "Lama Hawaii," and the " Kumu 
Hawaii." In 1836 there appeared the first weekly 
newspaper in English, the " Sandwich Islands 
Gazette," vehemently hostile to the missionary influ- 
ence. For two years only, 1836 and 1837, the 
"Hawaiian Spectator" was published. It was ably 
edited, and remains a storehouse of valuable informa- 



schools 



170 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

tion respecting its own and earlier times. In 1839 
the first edition of the Hawaiian Bible was issued. 
"The Polynesian" was established in 1840; and in 
1 84 1 it was reported that more than one hundred 
and ten million pages of reading matter had been 
printed since the beginning. 
Public It was in the years 1840 and 1841, in connection 

with the establishment of a constitutional form of 
government, that the chiefs in council enacted laws 
providing for the establishment and regulation of 
schools throughout the kingdom, the erection of 
school-houses, the selection and support of teachers, 
and the compulsory attendance of all children. These 
laws, as signed by the king and premier May 21, 
1 84 1, and repealing "the statutes enacted in rela- 
tion to schools on the 15th of October, 1840," are 
in part as follows : 1 — 

" The basis on which the kingdom rests is wisdom and knowledge. 
Peace and tranquillity cannot well prevail in the land, unless the peo- 
ple are taught in letters, and in that which constitutes prosperity. 

" If the children are not taught, ignorance must be perpetual. 
The children of the. chiefs cannot prosper, nor any other children, 
therefore be it enacted, 

" 1. Whenever there is any number of parents having fifteen or 
more children of a suitable age to attend school, if they live near each 
other, in the same village, or in the same township, it shall be their 
duty to procure themselves a teacher, which they shall do in the fol- 
lowing manner. The tax officer shall give notice by a crier of the 
time and place at which all the male parents of the township, dis- 
J " Blue Book," pp. 61-68. 



LATER PERIOD 171 

trict or village shall meet, and they shall choose three of their number 
as a school committee for that place. . . . 

" 3. When the teacher is obtained, then the general agent, the 
teacher and the school committee shall agree as to the wages. If 
the teacher have no land, and they shall agree in the opinion that it 
is important that he should have some, then the general school agent 
shall endeavor to secure some which is not occupied, and that land 
shall be given to the teacher, but not in perpetuity. When he shall 
cease to act as teacher then the land shall revert to government. 
But if the land do not afford the teacher a full support, then they 
shall furnish him with as much more as they shall agree to be neces- 
sary. It shall be furnished from the avails of the King's labor days 
and from the yearly tax, but not the poll tax. . . . 

" 4. Furthermore, it shall be the duty of the children to be generous 
to their teacher, and aid him by working on his land, according as 
they shall agree, or according to their good will. 

" 5 . A further reward to the teachers of schools shall be freedom 
from all public labor for the chiefs and land agents, and neither they 
nor their wives shall pay any poll tax while they are acting as teachers 
of schools. . . . 

" 6. . . . But no person is by this law considered a teacher 
unless he have a teacher's certificate from the general school agent. 

" 8. At all places where the children are in want of a school-house, 
the tax officer shall notify the people, and they shall build it under 
the direction of the school committee. . . » 

" 9. The proper ages for children to go to school shall be consid- 
ered to be from four years and upwards to fourteen years of age. If 
any man have a child of a suitable age to go to school, but below 
eight years of age, and do not constantly send him to school, then 
that parent shall not be freed from the public labor of the King and 
the land agent, on the labor days, whatever be the number of his 
children, neither shall his portion of land be increased, nor shall he 
be permitted to cut on the mountains such kinds of timber as the 
King gives to the people. All those kinds of timber are taboo to 
those parents who send not their children to school. Nor shall 



1 72 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

those parents fish on those fishing grounds which the King gives to 
the people. Those parents have a preference for darkness, therefore 
let the taboo's of those times of darkness apply to them. 

" But if a child be more than eight years of age and do not go to 
school, then the fault shall not be considered as the parents' only, but 
the child's also. That child shall go to the public labor of the King 
and land agents on all labor days. . . . 

" ii. If a teacher fail of doing his duty, and become negligent or 
guilty of a crime, then he shall be brought to trial before the school 
committee and general school agent of the place, and they shall 
decide respecting him. . . . 

"12. The school committee must do these things gratuitously — 
they will receive no pay, for it is but a small amount of labor which 
they will perform. 

"13. There shall also be annually appointed certain men of in- 
telligence as general school agents, as follows, one for Hawaii, one 
for Maui, one for Molokai, one for Oahu, one for Kauai, and one 
superintendent of the whole. They shall be appointed by the legis- 
lature at their annual meeting. . . . 

" 14. . . . They also [the school agents] shall be the Judges of 
the law in relation to schools. The Supreme Judges are the only 
persons above them. . . . Their pay shall be as follows ; when they 
are travelling to examine schools, the land agents shall furnish them 
food and necessaries, and they shall be paid twenty-five dollars a year 
of government property, but not money. 

"15. Furthermore, those scholars which attend the Mission Semi- 
nary at Lahainaluna shall be freed from the money tax, and all 
public labor of the chiefs, and all scholars that go to school to learn 
geography, arithmetic, and other higher branches taught in the 
higher schools, those scholars shall not go to the public labor of 
the chiefs and land agents till they become eighteen years of 
age. 

"16. . . . No man born since the commencement of the reign 
of Liholiho, who does not understand reading, writing, geography 
and arithmetic shall hold the office of Governor, Judge, Tax officer, 



LATER PERIOD 1 73 

nor land agent, nor hold any office over any other man, nor shall a 
man who is unable to read and write marry a wife, nor a woman who 
is unable to read and write marry a husband. But this edict does 
not apply to those who were born previous to the reign of 
Liholiho. 

" 1 7. If any one suffer a misfortune which is the Cause of his 
ignorance, if his sight be defective, or if he lives in a solitary place 
distant from school, or is unfortunate in any other manner, which is 
the reason of his ignorance, and still his or her mind is made up to 
marry a wife or husband, then he or she may go to the Governor who 
shall make inquiry, and when it becomes clear to him that the 
person's ignorance is not the result of laziness but a real misfortune, 
it shall then be the duty of the Governor to give him or her a certifi- 
cate of marriage." 

In 1843 a ministerial Department of Public In- 
struction was constituted and put in charge of the 
Rev. William Richards. He was followed in this 
office after his death, in 1847, by the Rev. Richard 
Armstrong — "a close student and ardent disciple of 
the late Horace Mann of Massachusetts" 1 — who also 
became the first president of the Board of Education, 
when that was established in 1855. Henceforward, 
the ideals and methods of New England education 
were completely in the ascendant. In 1853 " Haole " 
reports 2 that it was " exceedingly difficult to find a 
child ten years of age who cannot read his Bible and 
other school books fluently." " Of the white men's 
signatures on the public papers of that day one-half 



1 Quoted from his son, the late General S. C. Armstrong, of Hampton. 

2 Op. tit., p. 63. 



conditions 



174 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

were made by marks, while only one native failed to 
write his own name." 1 

In 1865 the Board of Education was organized and 
the office of Inspector General created, its first in- 
cumbent being Judge Abraham Fornander. In 1896 
public education was constituted an Executive De- 
partment of the government, under the care of a 
Minister of Public Instruction (the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs) and six commissioners, two of them 
ladies, and all serving without compensation. 
Present The present condition of the public schools may 

be summarized as follows : the law compels the 
attendance of all children between the ages of six and 
fourteen, and it is well enforced, about 82 per cent 
of all such children being in school, besides a large 
number who are above and below these age limits ; 
the school year includes 200 days, as against an 
average of 140.5 in the United States; appropria- 
tions to private or sectarian schools are forbidden by 
the Constitution, and by the law of 1896 no priest or 
minister of religion can act as Minister of Public In- 
struction or member of the Board of Education ; the 
whole number of public schools is 132, in only one of 
which is the Hawaiian language now used. 2 The 

1 General S. C. Armstrong, in "Journal of Christian Philosophy," for 
January, 1884, p. 219. 

2 But though English is now the exclusive language of the schools, it 
is not, as is generally supposed, in common use among the people. Even 
" in Honolulu, where the situation is most favorable to [its] development, 



LATER PERIOD 175 

number of teachers employed in public schools is 
298, every important nationality among the popula- 
tion being represented, except the Japanese, as fol- 
lows: American 134, Hawaiian 49, part Hawaiian 
48, British 42, Portuguese 12, Scandinavian 6, Ger- 
man 2, French 1, Belgian 1, Chinese 1, other for- 
eigners 2 ; the number of teachers employed in 
private schools is 209; the number of pupils en- 
rolled is 14,522 (of whom 3954 are in private 
schools), classified as follows: Hawaiian 5330, part 
Hawaiian 2479, Portuguese 3815, Chinese 1078, Jap- 
anese 560, American 484, German 302, British 280, 
Scandinavian 106, South Sea Islanders 10, French 2, 
other foreigners 76; the average monthly salary of 
all teachers in government employ is #63.18, as 
against $42.26 in the United States; the cost of 
the public schools per capita of population is $2.06, 
as against $2.61 in the United States; a high school 
and a normal school in Honolulu, a summer school, 
a national teachers' association, and courses in 
higher pedagogy conducted by the inspector gen- 
eral, serve to replenish and to improve the force of 
teachers ; and there are kindergartens, a reform 

the groups of children playing along the streets use their native tongue. 
The natives of mature age whom you meet are generally unable to con- 
verse with you in English or to understand what is said to them. They 
learn in the schools the English text-books as an American child would 
learn the Latin or Greek languages. This done, their capacity to think or 
speak English seems very slight. 11 (In Blount, p. 24.) 



176 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



school, a night school, and a considerable, though 
perhaps as yet insufficient, amount of industrial and 
manual training. 

There are also some sixty private schools, having 
an enrolment of about four thousand pupils, — the 
chief among them being Oahu College, the noble 
Kamehameha schools for natives of both sexes, the 
St. Louis College, under Roman Catholic auspices, 
Iolani College, under the care of the Anglican 
bishop, several boarding schools for native girls, and 
the Mills Institute for Chinese boys. 
illiteracy As the result of the educational history thus 
sketched, the rate of illiteracy in Hawaii is very low, 
except as concerns the adult Asiatic and Portuguese 
immigrants. This may be seen in the following 
table : — 

Table of Illiteracy, by Nationality 

{From Census Report 0/1896) 



Nationalities 



Number over 
Six Years 



Per Cent 

able to Read 

and Write 



Hawaiians 

Part Hawaiians . . . 
Hawaiian-born foreigners 

Americans 

British 

Germans 

French 

Norwegians .... 
Portuguese .... 

Japanese 

Chinese 

South Sea Islanders . . 
Other nationalities . . 



26,495 
5^95 
5.394 
2,060 
1,516 
899 

75 

215 

8,089 

22,189 

19.317 

407 

423 



83.97 
91.21 
68.29 
82.02 

95-44 
86.31 
92.00 
80.46 
27.84 
53.60 
48.47 
40.05 
75-41 



LATER PERIOD 



1 77 



This is a very creditable showing indeed ; but it 
would be well to read in connection with it the fol- 
lowing statement, made in 1893 by the Rev. C. M. 
Hyde, D.D., who has been teaching Hawaiian youth 
since 1877 r 1 — 

" In all my intercourse with young Hawaiians I have met only one 
whom I would call worthy the name of a student, capable of abstruse 
thought, the study of principles, the acquisition of scientific or philo- 
sophical methods. . . . They have not yet learned the rudimentary 
principles of government and independent citizenship. Their law- 
yers cannot grasp the details nor the generalizations that are neces- 
sary for the successful advocate or judge. . . . There is no educated 
physician of native race in practice of his profession at the islands. 
There is no artisan, nor mechanic, nor trader in business for himself. 
. . . No matter how many times he may have deceived them, any 
demagogue who will promise whatever they may foolishly desire at 
the moment is the one whom they will follow. . . . We cannot trust 
business interests to the decision of a Hawaiian jury." 

Reference should also be made to the Museum Bishop 
founded in 1889 by the Hon. C. R. Bishop, in mem- 
ory of his deceased wife, in which " it is hoped to 
collect not only every article that may illustrate the 
ethnology of this group, but also every bird, fish, 
insect, shell, coral, plant, in short all that will show in 
an accurate and scientific as well as popular way, 
whatever of life the islands produce." 2 Already, in 

1 In Blount, p. 359. Perhaps, as a result of manual training in the 
schools, some portions of this discouraging statement ought now — 1899 — 
to be modified. 

2 Professor W.T. Brigham, Curator, in "Annual" for 1893, p. 89. 



178 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

1892, the Museum contained above a hundred kahilis 
and fly-brushes, more than thirty-five thousand square 
feet of kapas, many mats, wooden dishes, — including 
a poi bowl nine feet in circumference, — nets, snares, 
and hooks for fishing, implements of industry, warfare, 
and sport, idols, mounted birds, photographs, etc. ; 
besides many articles from New Zealand, the Fijian 
and Micronesian islands, and other parts of Oceania. 
Remarks Finally, it may be suggested respecting education 
in Hawaii that here as generally, in dealing with 
primitive or inferior peoples, the New Englander has 
failed somewhat in plasticity of conception and in 
adaptation of methods. Dominated by the noble 
idea that all men are equal before God, he has been 
impatient of distinctions and discriminations of any 
sort. If any one asked, " What kind of education is 
best for the kanaka in his taro-patch, or for the freed- 
man in the Southern states ? " his reply was apt to 
be, " What sort of education is best for a man ? In 
education, as in Christ, there cannot be Greek nor 
Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, barbarian nor 
Scythian, bondman nor freeman." It is this idea 
which has led in so many attempts to educate the 
negro in the South to a comparative neglect of man- 
ual and economic training, and of instruction in agri- 
culture, trades, and the domestic arts. There is per- 
haps no better example of the skilful adaptation of 
pedagogic method to the particular nature and need 



LATER PERIOD 1 79 

of pupils than that which Hampton Institute affords. 
Its plan was suggested to General Armstrong by the 
Hawaiian schools, which for fifteen years had been 
under the management of his father and in which 
he himself was trained, and in particular by the dif- 
ferences between two of them as to methods and 
results, the school at Lahaina having furnished "a 
warning against a too exclusively mental culture of 
a soft and pliant race, the one at Hilo an illustration 
of an equilibrium of mental, moral and industrial 
force." x It was General Armstrong's conviction that 
a first aim, in the education of such a race as the 
African or the Polynesian, should be the establish- 
ment of a " routine of industrious habit, which is to 
character what the foundation is to the pyramid " ; 
that " the results of attempting the higher education 
of uncivilized races as a part of mission work " have 
been almost universally disappointing ; and that " a 
reenforcement of mechanics to train and harden the 
soft Hawaiian hand, to establish industrious habits, 
and thus to supply a stamina which the native char- 
acter lacked, would have been wise missionary work 
even had it necessitated decreasing the number of 
clerical teachers." 2 Such methods might have done 



1 General S. C. Armstrong, loc. cit. 

2 "I do not think the higher education is suitable for [the Hawaiian.*;"!. 
I do not think they are fit for it, and having obtained it, they cannot make 
a right use of it." (The Rev. W. 13. Oleson, in Senate Report, p. 503.) 



l8o THE MAKING OF HA IV All 

something to toughen the fibre and prolong the life 
of the race, and they ought to have been employed ; 
it seems doubtful, however, whether they or any 
others that might have been adopted would have 
had any very profound or permanent effect. 

INDUSTRIES AND COMMERCE 

The productions and industries of aboriginal 
Hawaii have been described in earlier pages. 
Allusion has also been made to the introduction 
by Vancouver, in 1793, of cattle and sheep, 1 and 
by Cleveland, in 1803, °f horses. These increased 
rapidly in number, the former augmenting the 
food supply, and the latter the labor efficiency and 
sporting facilities of the people. Reference has 
also been made to the Spaniard Marin, who ar- 
rived in 1 791, and who for many years set the 
natives a wholesome example of industry and thrift. 
American The influence of the American missionaries on 

missionaries ^ e industries of the kingdom was also great. 2 " A 

prime farmer, with qualifications also for teaching," 
and " individuals . . . besides, skilled in various me- 
chanical arts," 3 were of the first company sent out ; 

1 According to Wyllie, "Captain Calmet left sheep on Kauai before 
Vancouver arrived.'" (Judd, op. cit., p. 216.) 

2 See a careful article, by Professor W. D. Alexander in the "Annual" 
for 1895, on " Early Industrial Training of Hawaiians." 

8 " Missionary Herald," xv. 429. 



LATER PERIOD l8l 

and they carried with them not only Bibles, but 
also " a good supply of the common implements of 
husbandry, — axes, ploughs, hoes, shovels, etc., etc., 
as also of the most important tools of various me- 
chanical arts — smithery, carpentry, etc.," books, a 
printing-press, and " a font of types." This large 
and wise policy seems, indeed, to have been only 
half hearted on the part of the officials of the 
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis- 
sions; for the farmer did not long remain, nor were 
the second farmer and the mechanics, whom it was 
proposed to send out three years later among the 
reenforcements of the mission, allowed to go. Never- 
theless, it was inevitable that these shrewd and 
thrifty sons and daughters of New England should 
interest themselves — and increasingly so as time 
went on — in the physical and industrial, as well 
as spiritual, well-being of those whom they sought 
to "save." They taught, and themselves exemplified, 
the virtues of industry and economy. 1 They intro- 
duced manual training in their schools. At a gen- 
eral meeting held in 1826, they announced their 
purpose " to encourage the introduction of the civil 

1 " In the midst of the pressing labor to adapt themselves to their new 
surroundings, came a demand to them [the first missionary families, 1820] 
from the chiefs, for superfine broadcloth garments to be made up, and six 
ruffled shirts with plaited bosoms — a task they cheerfully rendered for the 
sake of gaining the confidence and favor of the people." (Mrs. Lydia 
Bingham Coan, in "Jubilee Celebration," p. 24.) 



1 82 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

and domestic arts and virtues," and " to aim at 
nothing short of raising up the whole people to 
an elevated state of Christian civilization." 

In a letter dated November 20, 1833, there are 
specified as among the multitudinous demands made 
upon them, the following: supervision of the con- 
struction of churches, school-houses, and homes for 
the people, and of wheels, looms, and articles of 
furniture; giving of instruction in the cultivation 
of imported plants, in the extraction of oil from 
the oil-nut, in the manufacture of paints; bringing 
of sulphur from the mountains, and teaching its use ; 
and interpreting in business transactions between 
natives and foreigners. 1 In 1835, at a general meet- 
ing, it was resolved that while little could then be 
done directly toward the improvement of agricul- 
ture, the missionaries deemed the matter " of suffi- 
cient importance to warrant [them] to use [their] 
influence in encouraging the growth of cotton, 
coffee, sugar-cane, etc., that the people may have 
more business on their hands, and increase their 
temporal comforts." The same year a female teacher, 
sent out to instruct the natives in the manufacture 
of cloth and other similar arts, began work at 
Wailuku. She soon reported that her pupils had 
already become skilful in carding, spinning, and 

1 "Missionary Herald," xxx. 339. 



LATER PERIOD 1 83 

knitting; four years later they had woven between 
five and six hundred yards of cloth. 1 

In 1836 the king and chiefs sent a memorial to the 
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis- 
sions, asking for more teachers. 

" These are the teachers whom we would specify : a carpenter, 
tailor, mason, shoe-maker, wheelwright, paper-maker, type-founder ; 
agriculturists skilled in raising sugar-cane, cotton and silk, and in 
making sugar ; cloth- manufacturers, and makers of machinery to 
work on a large scale ; and a teacher of the chiefs in what pertains 
to the land, according to the practice of enlightened countries ; and 
if there be any other teacher that could be serviceable in these 
matters, such teachers also." 2 

In some part of this request, at least, the mission- 
aries coincided; but it was refused, the matter not 
being " deemed of vital importance." 

" The old newspapers, the ' Kumu Hawaii,' 
' Nonanona,' ' Elele,' and the ' Hae Hawaii,' etc., 
teemed with articles on agriculture, on house-building, 
hygiene and kindred subjects," and the missionaries 
were " indefatigable in disseminating seeds and 
cuttings of fruit trees and of flowers through the 
country districts." 3 

Sixteen years after the work was begun, they were Progress 
able to report that — 

1 "Missionary Herald," xxxvi. 226. 

2 Anderson, " Hawaiian Islands," p. 127. 

8 Alexander, in " Annual " for 1895, p. 94. 



1 84 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

" the making up of clothing in foreign fashion, the manufacture of 
hats and bonnets, combs of tortoise-shell, and the wearing of these 
articles, is probably increased an hundred fold since the commence- 
ment of our work. . . . The trowel, turning-lathe, saw and plane 
begin to be used to improve their buildings and furniture. One or 
two pupils of the High School have commenced engraving on copper, 
with a view to furnish copies for writing, maps, etc. Thirty natives 
or more have been instructed and well initiated into the business of 
printing and book-binding. They learn with tolerable facility to set 
types and correct them, and they perform a great portion of this 
labor in issuing our publications. Nearly all the press-work that has 
been done at our presses has been done by native hands." ■ 

Miscellaneous staple goods and groceries were 
brought in from the United States, Europe, and Chili; 
" tea, rice, silks, cigars and other goods from China 
and Manila ; lumber, spars, salmon, etc., from Colum- 
bia River; horses, mules, etc., from California, and 
specie and bullion from Mexico." Among exports 
were salt, hides, kukui oil, arrow-root, tobacco, and 
mustard seed. Attempts were made to introduce 
cotton, indigo, corn, potatoes, fruits, and other foreign 
products. The grass huts began to be replaced by 
" houses of wood, coral, and adobe ; new wharves were 
constructed and streets improved." 

In 1844 it was reported that the natives of the 
island of Hawaii were — 

" building better houses, improving their wardrobe, procuring chairs, 
tables, chests, lamps, plates, cups, bowls, spoons, knives, looking- 
glasses, umbrellas, axes, saws, iron-ware, hammers, chisels, etc., etc. 

1 " Missionary Herald," xxxii. 354. 



LATER PERIOD 1 85 

The multiplication of the articles of comfort and of utility has been 
truly surprising, within the last five years. Some are beginning to 
keep horses, cows, goats, etc., and to make use of milk in their 
families — a very recent innovation." 1 

This whole result was attributed by the writer to 
the stirring religious " revivals " through which the 
people had been passing. Four years later the same 
observer reported that the natives were rapidly secur- 
ing writing-desks, stationery, cutlery, earthenware, 
glass and hardware, agricultural and mechanical im- 
plements, a greater variety of wholesome food, a more 
comfortable and respectable supply of clothing, time- 
pieces, domestic animals, roads, fences ; and that the 
wealth of Hilo had probably increased tenfold during 
the preceding decade. 2 The same year, a writer at 
Waimea, on the same island, reported the formation 
among the natives of certain "civilization societies," 
and added: — 

"You will see native tailors and tailoresses, hat-braiders, shoe- 
makers of both sexes, saddle- makers, carpenters, masons, sawyers, 
teamsters. You will now and then discover a coffee-garden and a 
flower-garden ; herds of cattle, horses, goats and sheep ; cattle 
carrying burdens instead of natives ; a good road teeming with carts 
and oxen, all under native management ; natives riding to meeting 
or school on horseback.' ' 3 

The discovery of gold in California, in 1848, exer- 
cised a great and manifold influence on the develop- 

1 "Missionary Herald, 11 xli. 86. 
*Ibid, xlv. 76. * Ibid., xlv. 81. 



1 86 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

ment of the islands. It drew heavily upon their 
scanty and dwindling population, both foreign and 
native ; it thus seriously crippled certain of their in- 
dustries; it curtailed production, and so reduced 
the volume of exports ; but it made a market at very 
high prices for their surplus products, and stimulated 
interest in agriculture and in shipping. 

In i860 notable improvements were reported in 
the neighborhood of Hilo, as regards " houses, streets, 
roads, bridges, gardens, fences, plantations, fruits, 
flowers, animals, employment, dress, furniture, com- 
merce, and the aggregate of material possessions." 
Calling attention to the fact that twenty-five years 
before, the town had only one frame house, no single 
road, no bridge, no implements of industry but the 
0-0 and iron-hoop adze, no domestic animals but the 
cat, dog, and pig, no stores, no exports, almost no 
coins, the writer stated that there were then a hun- 
dred frame houses in the village, more than two 
hundred miles of roads in the surrounding country 
besides excellent streets in the town, scores of bridges, 
all sorts of utensils in abundance and of domestic 
animals, a considerable amount of money distributed 
widely among the people, fifteen stores, and some 
dozen articles of export. 1 

On the whole, the charge often made against the 
missionaries that they had no concern for the indus- 

1 The Rev. Titus Coan, in " Missionary Herald, 11 lvi. 292. 



LATER PERIOD 1 87 

trial welfare of the natives cannot be sustained, as 
respects the most of them. 

In general, it is obvious that there have been three Three eras 
principal eras in the commercial and industrial de- 
velopment of the islands since their discovery, and 
that each of these has profoundly modified their 
social condition, — the eras of sandalwood, of whal- 
ing vessels, and of sugar. 1 Although these overlap 
each other, it may be said, approximately, that the 
first covers the years 1810-1825; the second, 1819- 
1871 ; the third, 1876-1899. 

While no exact figures are now obtainable, I Sandalwood 
conjecture that the sale of sandalwood, mostly at 
Canton, where it brought upwards of $125 per 

1 The following list of " first things " may serve to outline the course 
of this development : in 1819 the first whaling vessels arrived at the islands ; 
in 1825 the first sugar and coffee plantation was established; in 1835 tne 
first systematic and successful attempt at the cultivation of cane was made ; 
in 1837 the first sugar and molasses were exported ; in 1840 the first silk ; in 
1845 the first coffee; in 1849 the first beef. In 1845 tne ^ rst wheat was 
raised; in 185 1 whale oil and bone were first transhipped; in 1855 flour 
was first exported. In 1853 the first steamer was employed in the inter- 
island trade; in 1857 honey-bees were introduced; in 1858 rice was first 
cultivated systematically. In 1858 the first bank was established. In 
1866 regular monthly steamship connection with San Francisco was begun ; 
in 1870 the first steamer on the Australian route arrived. In 1859 gas- 
light was introduced in Honolulu; in 1877 the first telegraph line was 
built, on Maui; in 1879 the first railway was constructed (the Wailuku & 
Kahului, on Maui) ; in 1879 the first artesian well was bored; in 1880 the 
telephone was introduced; in 1883 the Marine Railway was opened for 
service; in 1893 the harbor at Honolulu was dredged, and the first large 
ocean steamship entered; in 1893 the Canadian-Australian line was 
inaugurated. 



1 88 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

ton, may have enriched Hawaii by three or four 
millions of dollars in money and goods, mostly the 
latter. The traffic resulted in a great expansion of 
shipping interests, some valuable drill in commer- 
cial and industrial methods, a wider knowledge of 
the world, a considerable diversification of life, and 
also in dissipation and headlong extravagance on 
the part of king and chiefs, and consequently bur- 
densome debt; in the neglect of agriculture and 
consequent famine; and in the further oppression 
and overburdening of the people, who were com- 
pelled to carry the wood on their backs from moun- 
tain to shore, 
whalers The first American whalers — the Balczna and 

Equator, of New Bedford — arrived in 1819. It 
was found that no other place was so convenient 
for the semiannual refitting, repairing, and provi- 
sioning of these vessels, and the transhipping of 
oil and bone, and the islands soon became the ren- 
dezvous for whalers of all countries. This business 
was at its height in the '50's, and gradually fell off 
thence, partly by the decline of the whaling indus- 
try, and partly by the transference of the busi- 
ness to San Francisco, until 1871, when it was 
brought nearly to an end by the destruction of the 
major part of the ships in the Arctic ice. Dur- 
ing the ten years, 1851-1860 inclusive, 4420 visits 
of whalers were recorded at the several ports of 



LATER PERIOD 1 89 

the islands; and there were transhipped 14,138,714 
pounds of bone and 17,661,446 gallons of whale 
oil, besides nearly a million and a half gallons of 
sperm oil. This business created an extensive 
demand for wharves, shipyards, warehouses, agri- 
cultural products, merchandise, and labor, and 
brought the natives into contact with the sailors of 
all nations. That they were seriously demoralized 
and debilitated by this contact, there can be no 
doubt. 

As to sugar, it will be remembered that cane is Sugar 
indigenous at the islands, and was eaten by the 
natives. When and by whom the first sugar was 
made, neither the missionaries nor the historian Jarves 
thought it worth while to inquire and record; and 
this now seems impossible to determine. The first 
cultivation of the cane for sugar making of which I 
have obtained authentic information was in 1825; and 
the first serious and successful attempt to manufacture 
the product ten years later. 1 " In 1838 there were in 
operation, and about to be erected, twenty mills by 
animal power and two by water power." 2 In 1851 
the first centrifugal drying machine was put in opera- 
tion; in 1858 steam was first used as a motive power; 
in 1 86 1 the vacuum pan was introduced. The poor 
quality of the early product, droughts, the difficulty 

1 "Annual " for 1875, P- 34 et se Q- 

2 Ibid., p. 36. 



1 90 THE MAKING OF HAW AH 

and expense of irrigation, scarcity of labor, remote- 
ness from markets, unfavorable customs duties, and 
the low price of sugar in the United States, operated 
to depress the industry. In 1857 there were only 
five plantations remaining; in 1861 there were twenty- 
two; in 1876 there were not more than thirty-five. 
The adoption in the last-mentioned year of the 
reciprocity treaty, which admitted to the United 
States free of duty, among other articles, " musco- 
vado, brown, and all other unrefined sugar," "syrups 
of sugar-cane, melado, and molasses," gave a power- 
ful stimulus and enormous profits 1 to the industry, 
which continued until the passage of the McKinley 
bill, in 1 89 1, dealt it a heavy blow. In 1877 the 
number of plantations had increased to forty-six; 
in 1880 to above sixty; in 1885 to above seventy. 
In 1890 there were exported 259,789,462 pounds of 
sugar, having a value of $12,159,585.01, and 74,926 
gallons of molasses, having a value of $7603.29. 
How greatly this industry enriched the islands, and 
expanded their life in all directions, is indicated by 
the fact that while the government expenditures for 
the biennial period ending March 31, 1876, were less 
than a million dollars ($919,356.93), they amounted to 



1 The remission of duties under the reciprocity treaty was equivalent 
to a clear bonus to Hawaii of several millions of dollars annually. With- 
out doubt the major part of the wealth of Honolulu was accumulated dur- 
ing this brief period, and as the result of this single convention. 



LATER PERIOD 191 

#4,712,285.20 for the period 1887-1888, and $3,250,- 
510.35 for the two following years; the public debt 
meantime having increased from less than half a 
million dollars ($459,187.59) in 1876 to more than 
two millions and a half ($2,599,502.94) in 1890. 
The two departments in which the expenditures 
were increased most, and most steadily, were those 
of Education and Health. 

And it is of course to sugar as compared with san- 
dalwood and whaling vessels that Hawaii owes the 
organization of industry in accordance with modern 
methods, the accumulation and concentration of capi- 
tal, 1 the massing and exploitation under contract of 
labor, the diversification of population, the increase 
of luxury on the one hand and of a semi-servile class 
on the other, the larger interest in questions of inter- 
national politics and trade, and to a considerable 
extent the demand for annexation to the United 
States, which are among the conspicuous marks of 
her recent social life. 

While sugar has hitherto constituted and appar- other 
ently must always constitute the principal industry of 

1 The records of the Interior Department showed, August 12, 1898, 
that there were then in the islands 190 mercantile, agricultural, and manu- 
facturing corporations, having an original capital stock of $31,088,750, 
which had been very largely increased ; besides about a dozen foreign 
corporations doing business there, with a capital stock of fifteen or twenty 
millions. With two or three exceptions, these were all chartered after the 
adoption of the reciprocity treaty. 



1 92 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

Hawaii, there are other products which have been 
grown to some extent, and promise much for the 
future. This is especially true of coffee. 1 Though 
the plant is not indigenous in the islands, it was in- 
troduced at an early day from Rio Janeiro, and now 
grows wild in many valleys of the group. Floods, 
drought, blight, and scarcity of labor have inter- 
fered with its cultivation. During the thirty years 
from 1845, when the berry was first exported, to 1874, 
the average annual exportation amounted to about 
115,000 pounds. Of late, however, the business has 
considerably increased, 337,158 pounds, valued at 
about $100,000, being exported in 1897. In the 
"Annual" for 1898, something over two hundred 
plantations are reported, having a total of some 550 
acres of bearing trees, 1050 acres of trees from one to 
three years old, and 400 acres of trees newly planted ; 
this summary is, however, confessedly incomplete. 

The culture of coffee, as contrasted with that of 
sugar, tends to a greater subdivision of lands, the 
forming of homesteads, increased individual initiative, 
the evocation of mental and manual dexterity, and 
the employment of a better class of laborers. 

Obviously, the lack of coal and metals will always 
preclude mining and any considerable development of 
manufacturing in the islands, and will thus largely 

1 For a history of coffee culture in Hawaii, see " Annual " for 1876 and 
1895. 



LATER PERIOD 193 

determine at once their industrial and social develop- 
ment. 1 The main source of their wealth, and the 
chief occupation of their inhabitants, must be agricul- 
ture. It is therefore important that this industry- 
should be diversified, as far as possible. It will doubt- 
less be found that a multitude of cereals, vegetables, 
and fruits, which had not been thought suited to such 
a climate, can be successfully cultivated, and that 
valuable fibre and food plants of many sorts can be 
introduced from other tropical and subtropical 
countries. The legislature of 1892 created a Bureau 
of Agriculture and Forestry, which should provide for 
the establishment of experiment stations ; for free 
public lectures and distribution of information useful 
to agriculturists, stock-raisers, and others; for the 
securing from abroad of such knowledge, seeds, and 
plants as may be beneficial to the agricultural and 
commercial interests of the islands; and for the con- 
servation of forests, the compilation of statistics 
relating to agricultural and stock-raising interests, and 
defence against the introduction and spread of insect 
pests and plant diseases. The important work thus 
begun will doubtless be carried on under the Ameri- 
can Department of Agriculture. 

1 " On the extension of the American tariff to Hawaii there will be new 
opportunities for enterprise, such as canning of various kinds of fruit, the 
manufacture of textile fabrics, the production of tobacco, the cultivation of 
fruits and vegetables for American consumers, and raising flowers for the 
manufacture of perfumes." (Hon. S. 13. Dole, in " Harper's Weekly," 
February 11, 1899.) 



194 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



MOVEMENTS OF POPULATION 

immigration Prior to 1850 the population was relatively homo- 
geneous. With the development of the sugar indus- 
try, however, and in view of the indolence and the 
steady decrease in numbers of the natives, it became 
evident that a new supply of cheap and efficient 
labor must somehow be provided. 1 In January, 1852, 
about one hundred and eighty Chinese coolies were 
imported under contract ; and six months later, about 
a hundred more. At first encouraged, and then dis- 
couraged, by legislative action and otherwise, Chinese 
immigration continued, until, in 1886, nearly a fourth 
part of the entire population was of that race (above 
twenty thousand). At various times, and by numer- 
ous persons, the belief had found expression that 
immigrants racially akin to the Hawaiians should be 
secured, in the hope of reinvigorating that decadent 
stock. Thus, Kamehameha III. made an unsuccess- 
ful effort to deport to Hawaii the entire population 
of Pitcairn Island. In 1855 Charles St. Julian was 
appointed commissioner by Kamehameha IV. to 
study the various peoples of Polynesia, with reference 
to their suitability as immigrants. In 1859 about 
twoscore South Sea Islanders were brought in under 

1 For a full account of Hawaiian immigration, see the Report of the 
President of the Bureau of Immigration for 1886, and articles in the 
"Annual 11 for 1894 and 1896. 



LATER PERIOD 195 

contract. Others were imported in 1868, and still 
others to the number of nearly two thousand in 1878 
and the following years. In 1864 a Board of Immi- 
gration was established, and in 1872 the Hawaiian 
Immigration Society, the name of Kamehameha V. 
standing first on its list of members. Japanese im- 
migration began in 1868; but it was not until many 
years later that it assumed considerable proportions. 
The census of 1884 gave only 116 Japanese residents; 
that of 1890, 12,360; that of 1896, 24,400. In 1878 
the first importation of Portuguese under contract 
was made, though there were already several hun- 
dred persons of this nationality resident in the islands. 
In 1884 the Portuguese numbered 9377; in 1890, 
8602; in 1896, 15,100. Norwegians and Germans 
were also persuaded and assisted to immigrate ; and 
the total net result of nearly a half-century of these 
efforts, on which the Hawaiian people have expended 
above two million dollars, may be seen in the follow- 
ing table of population as given in the census of 
1896 a : — 

Native Hawaiians 31,019 

Part Hawaiians 8,485 

Japanese 24,407 

Chinese 21,616 

Portuguese 15,191 

1 Since the census of 1896 was taken, probably five or six thousand 
more Japanese have come in, and a considerable number of Chinese. The 
present population of the islands cannot be much less than 125,000. 



grants 



196 THE MAKING OF HAW AH 

Americans 3,086 

British 2,250 

Germans I >43 2 

Norwegians 378 

French 101 

South Sea Islanders 455 

Others 600 



Total 109,020 

What part the sugar interest has played in deter- 
mining the amount and quality of this immigration 
may be surmised from the fact that on December 31, 
1897, 24,653 laborers were employed on plantations, 
and of this number only 1497 were Hawaiians, the 
remainder being distributed as follows : South Sea 
Islanders, 81; Portuguese, 2218; Chinese, 81 14; 
Japanese, 12,068; Americans, British, and Germans, 
526. Thus, of residents wholly or in part Hawaiian, 
only one in twenty-five is a plantation laborer, 
and of those American, British, and German, only 
one in thirteen ; while the proportion for the Portu- 
guese is one in seven, for the Chinese one in two 
and a half, for the Japanese one in two. 
Theimmi- Of the three immigrant groups which are now 

preponderant in numbers — Japanese, Chinese, Portu- 
guese — the first may be described as intelligent, imi- 
tative, active, fickle, somewhat inclined to conceit 
and to industrial insubordination, and, though cog- 
nate to the Hawaiians, not at all disposed to blend 



LATER PERIOD 197 

with them in marriage. They are recruited from 
the lowest classes in Japan. 1 The Chinese have 
shown themselves, on the whole, industrious, persist- 
ent, shrewd, frugal, inclined to parsimony, and not 
averse to marital or irregular sexual relations with 
the natives. They have reclaimed and utilized much 
worthless swamp land in the growing of rice. Not 
a few of them have risen from the position of 
laborer to that of small farmer, pedler, shopkeeper, 
tradesman, artisan, capitalist, quietly and ruthlessly 
displacing and dispossessing the Hawaiians. 2 They 
have also added opium-eating and highbinding to 
the vices already prevailing. The Portuguese — 
introduced from Madeira and the Azores, and more 
or less mixed in blood with African and other 
stocks — are mostly industrious, thrifty, domestic, and 
law-abiding. No other element of the population 
figures so seldom in the criminal courts. They are 
better adapted, however, to a system of peasant 

1 "At present there are 20.62 per cent of the Japanese marriageable 
females unmarried, and it is safe to say that a considerable number of these 
are leading an immoral life. 11 (Census Report for 1896, p. 89.) 

2 The Chinese now — 1889 — " hold 10.9 per cent of the drivers licenses ; 
18.2 percent of the dray licenses; 20.6 per cent of the butcher licenses; 
27.9 per cent of the hack licenses; 38.2 per cent of the horse-hiring 
licenses ; 57 per cent of the wholesale spirit licenses ; 62 per cent of the 
retail merchandise licenses ; 84.7 per cent of the victualling licenses ; 91.8 
per cent of the pork butcher licenses; 100 per cent or all of the cake 
peddling. 11 ("Annual" for 1890, p. 83.) Tables giving the occupations, 
and the numbers owning homes and real estate of the different nationali- 
ties, may be found in Appendix C, pp. 248, 249. 



198 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

proprietorship than to the labor-gang, and have only 
in a very slight degree, therefore, met the need 
which led to their importation. 

This copious influx of immigrants has brought 
about a social situation exceedingly complex. No- 
where else perhaps is society divided into groups and 
interests so sharply and profoundly differentiated. 
Native, foreign and mixed ; Mongolian, Polynesian 
and Caucasian ; American and European ; royalist 
and republican ; " missionary " and " anti-missionary " ; 
pagan, semi-pagan, mormon, catholic, anglican, puri- 
tan, and secularist — these forces of social division 
are the more active because of the limited area and 
the isolated position of the field in which they are 
deployed. Society here is peculiarly tempestuous — 
as " in a tea-pot." The political effects of this ad- 
mixture we have already sketched ; but its effects in 
all other spheres are not less obvious, 
crime The proportion of convicted criminals to the entire 

population of each nationality, as expressed in per- 
centages, is given by Chief Justice Judd in his 
Reports for 1892 and 1897 as follows: — 





1892 


1897 


Chinese 


. . 9.86 


I7-36 


Japanese 


• 7-3i 


7-94 


Hawaiians 


8.04 


7.85 


Portuguese 


• 5-58 


3-49 


Other foreigners .... 


• 10-73 


12.44 



LATER PERIOD 1 99 

During the years 1896-1897 there were 10,355 con ~ 
victions for criminal offences, being 60 per cent 
more than in the city of New Haven (6443), which 
has about the same population as all the islands 
together. The number seems excessive ; but an 
examination of cases shows that an unusually large 
proportion were for offences created by statute, and 
of minor importance. Thus, 2861 convictions were 
for gambling; 986 for importing, selling, or having 
possession of opium; 1862 for drunkenness; 375 for 
liquor selling and distilling; 1208 for assault, etc.; 
1440 for "driving or bicycle riding without lights"; 
169 for "fast or heedless driving or riding." Simi- 
larly, of the 6319 civil cases tried during 1 896-1 897, 
2473 or 39 per cent were for " deserting or refusing 
bound service," and had to do with the contract labor 
law under which Asiatics were employed on planta- 
tions. 

The introduction of the Chinese and Japanese in Labor 
such numbers has not only placed the standard of pr ° 
life for the laboring man at a low point, it has 
also seriously impaired the family institution. The 
Asiatics being unmarried, wages have been adjusted 
— partially, at least, and in accordance with the so- 
called "iron law" — to the necessities of the single 
man. This is nearly equivalent to the exclusion of 
the man of family from gainful occupation. But the 
family, of say five members, is, and must remain, the 



200 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

industrial unit in any stable civilization. The 
Hawaiian system of employment has been hostile, 
therefore, to civilization itself. And it has been the 
more so because of the excessive preponderance of 
males over females in the immigrant population, ex- 
cept in the case of the Portuguese. In 1890 the 
proportion was more than eighteen to one for the 
Chinese, nearly five to one for the Japanese, and 
more than two to one for the Americans, British, 
and Germans. Since then the number of Asiatic 
females has largely increased ; but even yet there are 
eight times as many men as women among the Chi- 
nese. 1 If no society can be healthy under such con- 
ditions, this is conspicuously true of that in Hawaii, 
already seriously debilitated by unchastity and of 
easy habit by racial and immemorial inclination. 

Moreover, it is by no means impossible that the 
antipathy existing between the two Asiatic races may 
some time involve them, and the entire population of 
the islands with them, in hostilities of a very serious 
nature and issuing in grave international complica- 

1 See tables in Appendix C, pp. 246, 247. 

This striking abnormality of population, as concerns both age and sex, 
is shown in the diagrams on the following page. The first represents the 
native white population of the United States, of native parentage, accord- 
ing to the census of 1890; it may be taken as indicating the normal con- 
dition. The second represents the population of Hawaii, according to 
the census of 1896. The very remarkable increase of children under 
six years of age, as shown in the second diagram, is encouraging, but 
inquiry develops the fact that this increase is in the families of foreigners 
rather than natives. 



LATER PERIOD 



20I 




202 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

tions. 1 The heaping together of inflammable ele- 
ments, in quantities beyond all power of control, 
cannot be regarded as wise. It is certainly a fair 
question to ask whether, considering the extraordi- 
nary advantages given to Hawaiian capital by the 
reciprocity treaty and the enormous profits resulting, 
planters and government alike were not under a 
moral obligation to secure a better class of labor- 
ers, and share more generously with them their own 
great good fortune. This would have been to safe- 
guard the family and enrich society itself, besides 
forestalling the most serious objection to annexation. 
The complaint of a local newspaper seems to have 
been justifiable : — 

" Not a single dollar of the appropriation of fifty thousand dollars 
for immigration other than Asiatic has yet [September 3, 1897] 
been spent in bringing in Americans. . . . The Annexation Club 
has never opened its mouth formally in favor of white labor. . . . 
The Planters' Supply Company has never taken a decided attitude in 
favor of Anglo-Saxon civilization. . . . Out of sixty-six plantations, 
but three have actually resolved to try Anglo-Saxon labor. . . . Not 
a single plantation has yet even tried a thoroughly well-organized 
experiment in Anglo-Saxon labor. . . . The last legislature, an 
annexation body, did not lift its finger in the project of promoting 
Anglo-Saxon immigration. . . . We are after cheap labor. ' Scrubs ' 
will do for us, if they are cheap. The missionaries can always be 

1 The suggestion of the text finds support in the fact that on Sunday, 
March 26, 1899, a collision between Chinese and Japanese laborers oc- 
curred at Kahuku, Oahu, in which a considerable number of the former are 
reported to have been killed or seriously injured. 



LATER PERIOD 203 

turned loose on them. We are not looking for quality and character, 
but low prices." 1 

When the necessity of abating Asiatic immigra- 
tion became apparent, and as though the admixture 
and complication of races were not already excessive, 
it was seriously proposed by some to import negroes 
from the southern states of America as plantation 
laborers ; and this despite the fact that the presence 
of the negro in the United States constitutes its most 
difficult and threatening social problem ; that the race 
as a whole seems to be increasing in criminality, and 
diminishing in vitality and industrial efficiency; and 
that sober, thrifty, intelligent, and honest negroes 
can do better in their present homes than in com- 
petition with Asiatic labor at the islands, and could 
not therefore be persuaded to emigrate, save through 
deception. 

1 " Hawaiian Gazette," August 17 and September 3, 1897. 

The complaint of the Hawaiian Patriotic League, however, while not 
without some justification, was grossly exaggerated, and intended for 
political effect : " Sugar has been a curse to these favored islands, 
making some few men, foreigners, immensely rich, but impoverish- 
ing the masses, the natives especially, and bringing about corruption and 
greed and political venality unknown to the converts of the early mission- 
aries. . . . Through the American reciprocity treaty of 1876, which was 
granted essentially with the idea of benefiting especially the aborigines, 
American gold began to roll in by millions into the' coffers of the planters 
. . . while the select authors of this untold wealth — the poor laborers — 
got barely enough to cover their nakedness and food enough to give them 
strength for their daily task." (In Blount, p. 450.) 



204 THE MAKING OF HAW AH 

In mitigation of the foregoing criticism, however, 
five facts should be borne in mind: — 

i. The expansion of the sugar industry, the 
" peaceful invasion " of Asiatics, and the consequent 
industrial and social problems came suddenly and 
all together. Time was not given to deal ade- 
quately with the situation, or fully to feel the 
infelicity of it. 

2. " Nearly all the plantations were started on 
borrowed capital. Great sums were needed for the 
sugar-making plants and for vast improvements in 
the way of irrigation, transportation, and modern 
appliances for cultivation. The strain was thus 
primarily to free the plantations from debt. So 
great was this strain that many were unable to 
meet it, and plantation after plantation changed 
hands, and individual after individual lost all he 
had." a 

3. " When the business began to pay, it did so 
all at once. There was a plethora of money. But 
this did not lead to extravagance. There were better 
houses and business blocks, but there were better 
wharves and roads also ; better school buildings and 
churches ; better quarters for plantation laborers ; 
better medical care, higher wages, and vastly im- 
proved conditions for all men who were too inde- 
pendent to come under the contract system." 1 

1 The Rev. W. B. Oleson, in a letter to the author. 



LATER PERIOD 205 

4. A prosperity which is largely founded in 
tariff conventions is always uncertain as to its con- 
tinuance; and this uncertainty necessitates and jus- 
tifies a margin of profits abnormally large. 

5. The planters themselves were not oblivious 
to the mischiefs wrought by the system in vogue, 
and some extremely interesting experiments in other 
forms of employment have been made. This is 
especially the case with the " purchase system " in 
use on the great Ewa plantation. It is reported 
that Chinese laborers do twenty-five per cent more 
work on this free plan than under the "penal 
contract " system. " A wider contrast can hardly 
be presented to-day in our sugar fields than that 
between a ' company ' man on Ewa plantation, will- 
ing and interested in his work, unbossed by luna ; 
and a contract hand, just returned from court, 
fined for * haalele hana" [quitting work], and with 
a swearing luna over him." 1 Similar testimony has 
been given by Judge W. F. Frear. 2 It is to be 



1 J. B. Castle, in " Hawaiian Gazette," February 23, 1897. 

2 Address before the Honolulu Social Science Association, June 28, 
1897. 

One of the earlier attempts — and a very effective one — to bring this 
matter under discussion was the paper read March 12, 1892, before the 
Honolulu Social Science Association, by the Rev. W. B. Oleson, prin- 
cipal of the Kamehameha School, in which the economic and social dis- 
advantages of the contract labor system were pointed out, and a proposal 
made for the " dismemberment of the large sugar estates into leaseholds 
of from five to twenty or thirty acres each. ... to be taken up by 



206 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

hoped that through these experiments some method 
of cooperation or profit-sharing may be devised, by 
which the growing of sugar will be made a tolera- 
ble or even an inviting occupation for the white 
farmer. And I believe that American experience 
with Italian labor is such as ought to lend encour- 
agement to the effort now making to induce immi- 
gration to Hawaii from that country. 

In a memorial addressed to the Hawaiian Commis- 
sion (September 8, 1898), the planters said: — 

" The evils of the [penal contract] system, and its tendency to de- 
preciate the standard of labor as an honorable calling, have been 
recognized and appreciated by the great bulk of intelligent people of 
Hawaii, and it has almost entirely fallen into disuse, except with 
relation to the newly imported immigrants and the securing of the 
advances made to and on account of them. So great has been this 
tendency that the census of 1896 shows that of approximately thirty - 
five thousand laborers only approximately ten thousand were working 
under contract, and these almost exclusively under contracts made 
abroad. . . . Contrary to usual comment and understanding in the 
United States, the average cost of labor in Hawaii does not vary 
much from the average cost of similar labor in the United States. 
The average cost of ordinary field labor in Hawaii, counting in the 
lodgings, medical attendance, wood, water, and land for cultivation, 
almost universally furnished to the laborers, does not in any case fall 
below sixteen dollars a month, in most cases comes to as high as 
eighteen dollars a month, and ranges upward to twenty dollars and 
even more a month." 

responsible laborers who wish to make a home for themselves, and are 
ready to make the getting of such a home dependent on their industry, 
frugality, and enterprise.' 1 This paper was printed in " The Louisiana 
Planter and Sugar Manufacturer," July 16, 1892. 



LATER PERIOD 207 

I fear that the phrase "similar labor in the United 
States " and the list of extras furnished are somewhat 
elastic, and that the relative cost of living for Anglo- 
Saxons in the two countries is overlooked, for the 
memorial pleads for a partial and temporary exemp- 
tion from the laws governing immigration into the 
United States, and asserts that — 

■" It is open to question whether any considerable number of 
American laborers will be content to accept the wages which the 
Hawaiian agricultural industries can afford to pay, even though under 
the present special tariff conditions the sugar industry may be able to 
pay a somewhat higher rate of wages than that heretofore paid." 1 

Happily, the Commission did not acquiesce in these 
views, but included in the bill recommended by them 
to Congress the application to Hawaii of the United 
States laws governing immigration and contract 
labor. 2 

1 How much the sugar industry " can afford to pay " I do not know. 
But as throwing some light on the matter I subjoin the following paragraph 
from the "Hawaiian Star," March 30, 1899: — "At the meeting of the 
directors of the Honokaa Sugar Company held this morning it was decided 
to pay a monthly dividend of t.\ per cent. This is in lieu of the 30 
per cent per annum. The plantation finds it can pay this dividend 
and still hold ample running reserve. ... At to-day's meeting it was 
decided to order considerable new machinery for the mill." 

2 A special committee — Messrs. Cullom, Morgan, and Dole — reported 
as follows : — 

" The Committee is therefore of the opinion that the enforcement of 
the present United States laws regarding imported laborers, with the ap- 
plication of the American policy of fostering the interests of the individual 
citizens instead of promoting undue accumulations of corporate capital, or 
the extension of corporate powers in the control of large tracts of land, and 



208 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



DECAY OF NATIVE POPULATION 

The movement of population among savage and 
barbarian races, and especially their tendency to dis- 
appear when in contact with civilization, has been 
much discussed. 1 Unhappily, however, no sufficiently 
copious collection of facts, covering the whole field, 
has yet been made; besides which, it must be con- 
fessed that one essential element of the problem, 
namely, the laws determinative of birth-rates, even 
under the most ordinary and simple conditions, re- 
mains still, despite the researches of biologists, about 
as obscure as ever. The facts seem to be these, how- 
ever : — 

i. Among many nature peoples, the Malthusian 
law of population, however true elsewhere, does not 
hold good ; even prior to contract with whites, and 
amid a plentiful food supply, they barely hold their 
own in numbers, or diminish — and this, in some 
cases, apart from the results of war and the 
practice of infanticide. 2 

with such other legislation, either territorial or national, as experience and 
good judgment may have indicated, so as to make the whole of the Terri- 
tory accessible by good roads and the arid lands available for settlement 
by means of irrigation, the whole country may then become a desirable 
place for the development of American citizenship." 

1 See especially Gerland, ■" Ueber das Aussterben der Naturvolker," and 
Ratzel, " Anthropogeographie, 11 i. 330 et seq. 

2 " In Africa at the present time, where the influence of the European 
has not yet been felt, there are negro tribes which are becoming extinct 



LATER PERIOD 209 

2. Contact with civilization commonly accelerates 
this process of decay, where it is present, and often 
introduces it where it was not found before. 

So far as the Hawaiian Islands are concerned the Decrease of 
movement of the native population may be summa- p ° pua 
rized thus: Cook estimated its number, in 1778, at 
400,000, how accurately it is impossible to say. The 
more usual opinion has been that the figures were 
too high by perhaps a third, but some competent 
observers among the early white residents accepted 
Cook's estimate, basing their judgment on the very 
extensive architectural and other remains everywhere 
existing. 

Vancouver 1 described the change which had taken 
place between his first visit with Cook in the year 
aforesaid, and his second visit in 1792, as an "ap- 
parent depopulation." A certain village had been 
"reduced at least two-thirds of its size." He could 
not find that any of the chiefs whom he had known, 
save one, still lived. 2 In 1823 the missionaries esti- 
mated the number of natives at 142,000; the census 

without any apparent reason, without any change in their external condi- 
tion, and almost without having become reduced in number by war." 
(Topinard, "Anthropology," p. 416.) 

1 Op. cit., i. 188. 

2 This extraordinary diminution was due, he thought, to "incessant war." 
The opinion sometimes advanced that the decay of the native popula- 
tion has been caused by missionary work among them is unintelligent. It 
had proceeded far, long before the first missionaries arrived. Ellis narrates 
("Tour," p. 287) a conversation on this topic between himself and certain 



210 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

of 1832 gave it as I30.3I3 1 ; that of 1836, as 108, 579 1 ; 
that of 1853, as 70,036; that of i860, as 65,506; that 
of 1866, as 57,125; that of 1872, as 49,044; that of 
1878 as 44,088; that of 1884, as 40,014; that of 1890, 
as 34,436; that of 1896, as 31,019. Meantime, a 
group of " part Hawaiians " has been growing up, 
amounting, in 1853, to 983; in 1866, to 1640; in 
1872, to 1487(F); in 1878, to 3420; in 1884, to 4218; 
in 1890, to 6186; in 1896, to 8485. 

It is commonly asserted that the decrease of the 
Hawaiian population was less marked during the last 
census period (1 890-1 896) than in the preceding 
(1884-1890). 2 Assuming the accuracy of the census 
of 1884, this would obviously be true. But even so, 

natives of Waiakea, some of whom objected to the coming of missionaries 
among them, on the ground that contact with whites in other countries had 
resulted in the extinction of the aboriginal peoples. Ellis reminded them 
that according to their own statement the population of the islands had 
shrunken three-fourths within a period of forty years, and that unless 
some check were applied to this movement, they must shortly disappear 
altogether; and he assured them that no other remedy could be found 
than the intellectual, ethical, and spiritual reinvigoration which the mis- 
sionaries were seeking to impart. 

A similar decadence had occurred elsewhere. The chiefs of the Society 
Islands, in the early days of missionary work among them, often compared 
their people to " a firebrand unconsumed among the smouldering embers of 
a recent conflagration — a small toea [remainder] left after the extermina- 
tion of Satani, or the evil spirit.'" (Ellis, " Polynesian Researches," ii. 31.) 

1 Including foreigners ; but these were few at that time. 

2 Thus, A. T. Atkinson, General Superintendent of the last census, in 
"Annual" for 1898, p. 81. The Hon. J. H. Blount (Report, p. 89) inti- 
mates his belief that there is even "a gradual increase in the native 
population." 



LATER PERIOD 211 

the diminution would be slightly greater in the last 
period, relatively to the whole number of natives, 
than during the years 1 878-1 884. And if we neglect 
the suspicious census of 1884, and compare the twelve- 
year period 1 878-1 890 with the six-year period 
1 890-1 896, we shall find that the percentage of de- 
crease is less than the tenth part of one per cent lower 
in the latter period than in the former. In other 
words, the pure blood Hawaiians are still steadily 
tending to disappear, as aforetime, and the remnant 
left by death will slowly but surely be conquered by 
love, blending by marriage with alien races. 1 

The movement of population in any country, apart 
from the effects of war, infanticide, human sacrifice, 
pestilence, famine, and the like, is of course deter- 
mined by the ratio to one another of fecundity and 
viability, or of the birth-rate and death-rate. And Low birth- 
there can be no doubt, whatever may have been the 
case in earlier times, that the birth-rate was low and 
the death-rate high among the Hawaiians from our 
first knowledge of them. 2 It is a striking fact, 

1 " The teaching of the Hawaiian kahunas [sorcerers] is that the decay 
of the race is the result of the vengeance of their old-time offended deities 
fearful of being supplanted by the white man's God who, they claim, was 
brought from over the water in a book [the Bible] ." (Emerson, " Papers 
of the Hawaiian Historical Society," ii. 24.) 

2 Maternity statistics may be found in Appendix C, p. 248. The state- 
ment of Huth ("Marriage of Near Kin," p. 84), that the "Polynesian 
women are remarkably fruitful," citing Hawaii, Tahiti, New Zealand, 
Tonga, Jukopia, Samoa; and that viability is not lower here than in 



212 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

indeed, that most of the genealogies given by 
Fornander seem to indicate small families as the 
early and continuing rule. Thus " Kalaniopuu had 
at different times of his life six wives " ; one of them 
was childless, one bore two sons, and the other four 
had each a single issue. 1 In 1838 the Rev. W. P. 
Alexander computed that only 3335 births had 
occurred on the islands during the preceding year, 
as against 6838 deaths. 2 In 1840 Mr. Whitney told 
Commodore Wilkes that for several years he had 
kept a register of births and deaths on the island of 
Kauai, and that the latter were to the former as three 
to one. 

Dr. Andrews, resident physician at Kailau, Hawaii, 
reported 3 that " out of ninety-six married females, 
nearly all under forty-five years of age, twenty-three 
had no children; the remaining seventy-three had 
299, of which 152 did not survive the second year; a 
large proportion of them died at from six to ten 
months old; six died between six and ten years; 
and fourteen died when over ten years old." When 
several children were born in a family, few of them 
long survived ; thus, it was reported by the mission- 
aries at his death that Governor Cox " had eight 



Europe, seems to be a mistake as concerns all the islands, and both the 
particulars, mentioned. 

1 Op. tit., ii. 204. 2 « Friend,' 1 July, 1844. 

3 Wilkes, op. cit., iv. 95. 



LATER PERIOD 213 

children, but we do not know that any of them 
are now living." 1 About a score of years after the 
landing of the first missionary families, the contrast 
in fecundity and viability between them and the 
natives was pointed out — the missionary families 
averaging six and five-ninths children each, while 
twenty chiefs had only nineteen children among 
them. 2 From a " careful census " of Kauai, 3 made in 
1839, it appears that among 1829 adult females, only 
sixty-five were the mothers of three or more children. 
In one district of that island (Hanapepe), eight deaths 
to a birth had occurred for a number of years. 

Of the causes of this former low birth-rate and Causes of 
frequent sterility among the Hawaiians some are inerliy 
obvious enough, and some are obscure or merely 
conjectural. It was doubtless due in part to the 
avoidance of conception and the procuring of abor- 
tion by artificial means. Of other causes, we may 
perhaps regard sexual irregularities and excesses as 
the most influential. Some of the more deleterious 
of these habits began to be practised at a very early 
age, and were cultivated with extreme ardor and reck- 
lessness by most of the people. One result was the 
premature ripening and exhaustion of the reproduc- 
tive powers, in both sexes. Moreover, promiscuous 

1 " Missionary Herald," xxi. 174. 

2 Cheever, " Island World," p. 397. 
8 Reported in Jarves, op. cit., p. 373 



214 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

relationships diminished fertility, as the history of pros- 
titution shows that it everywhere does, — though why, 
it is by no means entirely clear. Again, the introduc- 
tion and rapid spread of venereal diseases greatly di- 
minished the fecundity of the race, besides impairing 
also its general health. In particular, it caused an 
abnormal number of miscarriages. It is even a ques- 
tion whether widespread intercourse with the whites 
did not have a direct and disastrous influence on the 
fruitfulness of the females; Count Strzelecki main- 
tained that the women of nature peoples (" he asserts 
that he has collected hundreds of such cases among 
the Hurons, Seminoles, Araucanos, Polynesians, and 
Melanesians ") having once co-habited with white 
men, whether with the issue of children or not, are 
thenceforward sterile with men of their own race — 
a view which Broca adopted in part, 1 giving eminent 
medical authority also in its favor. This opinion 
does not seem especially reasonable, and there is, so 
far as I am aware, no sufficient body of ascertained 
fact by which it can be tested ; but it is not in itself 
absurd. What is strange is, that the unions of 
whites and natives were themselves so seldom fruit- 
ful. The end of the first half of the century found 
considerably less than a thousand mongrels on the 
islands; the end of the second half will find some 
ten thousand. The latter figure is not specially 

1 " Recherches sur rhybridite," etc. ; Paris, i860, p. 649. 



LATER PERIOD 21 5 

surprising, for a large number of mixed marriages 
have occurred; but the former is. If we subtract 
from the whole number of half-breeds those who 
were born in wedlock during that period, the re- 
mainder will be inconsiderable; and if we are to 
credit the accounts of constant promiscuous inter- 
course of native females with white men from the 
time of Cook onward, 1 the questions rise, Where 
were the issues of these unions? Were the unions 
infertile? And if so, why? Were the offspring 
destroyed at birth? Or did they die in infancy? 

We have a similar condition in New South Wales, 
where a white population, predominantly masculine 
and largely convict, lived for long in contact with 
the aborigines, with scanty issue of mongrels. So, 
too, in Tasmania. Here, for a third of a century 
before the massacre and deportation of the natives, 
they lived in constant intercourse with numerous 
English, nearly all males, and among them many 
convicts, whose passions it may be presumed were 
unbridled, — not to dwell on the fact that during 
thrice that length of time sailing vessels from va- 
rious European countries had landed there. But 
almost no half-breeds resulted. The bearing of 
these facts on the question of race admixture, and 
of fecundity in general, is obscure ; but they seem 

1 Thus, for example, Coan conjectured that forty thousand seamen, of 
many nationalities, visited the single port of Hilo between 1836 and 1880. 



2l6 THE MAKING OF HAW AH 

at least to indicate, as the history of prostitution 
does, that all sexual irregularities are unfavorable 
to the procreation of offspring ; x it may be that 
we shall finally find this influence to be psychical 
even more than physical, 
change of In general, it is probably true of man, as it cer- 

tainly is true in general of animal species, — being 
in both cases inexplicable at present, — that changes 
of habit and condition tend toward a diminished 
birth-rate. Thus Darwin, basing the opinion upon 
a large collection of facts, holds 2 that both — 

1 F. L. Hoffman has prepared a table based on reports of an agency 
physician and of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and covering eleven 
tribes, in which the mutual relations of intercourse with whites, of chastity, 
of venereal disease, and of viability among the North American Indians is 
shown. Four tribes, embracing a population of 6237 in 1895, were rela- 
tively free from intercourse with whites, were characterized by chaste 
habits, were free from venereal disorders, and were slowly gaining in popula- 
tion ; seven tribes, having 6889 members, were in common intercourse 
with whites, were of unchaste habit, were saturated with venereal disease, 
and had suffered a diminution of forty-three per cent in population within 
a period of thirteen years. (" Race Traits and Tendencies of the Ameri- 
can Negro," p. 325.) 

1 add also the following, communicated to me by the Rev. W. B. 
Oleson in a letter : — 

" It was reported to me by Rev. A. O. Forbes, the Secretary of the Ha- 
waiian Board of Missions, and by Mr. J. S. Emerson, a member of the Gov- 
ernment Survey Department, both of whom were intimately acquainted 
with all the facts in the case, that, in 1887, when the statement was made to 
me, the schools in Kona, Hawaii, were full of Hawaiian children ; Hawaiian 
families had more children in that district than elsewhere ; and the 
Hawaiian population was more than holding its own. And the explana- 
tion was, that there were few whites there, few Asiatics, and few influ- 
ences foreign to the habitual life of Hawaiians." 

2 " Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication, 1 ' ii. 148 et scq. 



LATER PERIOD 217 

" animals and plants, when removed from their natural conditions, 
are often rendered in some degree infertile, or completely bar- 
ren. ... It is possible and generally easy to tame most animals ; 
but experience has shown that it is difficult to get them to breed 
regularly, or even at all [even when coupling freely enough]. . . . 
Monkeys very rarely breed when confined in their native country. 
... It is said that as many as eighteen species [of carnivorous 
birds] have been used in Europe for hawking, and several others 
in Persia and India ; they have been kept in their native coun- 
tries in the finest condition, and have been flown during six, eight, 
or nine years ; yet there is no record of their having ever produced 
young. . . . Though many [parrots] have been kept in Europe, 
they breed so rarely that the event has been thought worthy of re- 
cording in the gravest publications. . . . When conception takes 
place under confinement, the young are often born dead, or die 
soon, or are ill- formed. . . . The mother's milk often fails." 



Darwin then discusses and rejects the putative 
causes of this infertility; it is not due to disease of 
the reproductive organs, nor to failure of the sexual 
instinct, nor specifically to change of climate, or in 
the kind or quality of food, nor to want of exercise ; 
and he adds, " It would appear that any change in 
the habits of life, whatever these habits may be, if 
great enough, tends to affect in an inexplicable man- 
ner the powers of reproduction." 

This law seems to apply, at least in some degree, 
to man. Thus the remnant of the Tasmanians who 
occupied Van Diemen's Land were transferred thence, 
in 1835, to Flinders' Island in Bass's Strait. They 
numbered two hundred and ten souls ; but at the end 



2l8 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



Other 
causes 



of seven years, though they were in the meantime 
abundantly fed and cared for, only fourteen children 
had been born, and the population was reduced to 
forty. In 1862 the last man of them died, and ten 
years later the last woman, leaving only a few half- 
castes. 

To these general statements, the fact may be added 
that early Hawaiian mothers were in the habit of suck- 
ling their children during a long period, 1 partly per- 
haps with intent to postpone a second pregnancy, but 
largely because there was no other food supply suita- 
ble for infants, on account of the lack of domestic 
animals, — a fact which must also have had a marked 
and unfavorable effect on infant mortality. 2 There can 
hardly be any doubt, moreover, that the almost univer- 
sal habit among Hawaiian women of furious horse- 
back riding, man-fashion, has resulted in a diminution 
of the number of births ; but inasmuch as the horse 
was not introduced until 1803, and did not come into 
general use before the middle of the century, this 
fact would not help toward accounting for the low 
birth-rate in the earlier period. 
Death-rate As to the mortality of the natives, that has always 
been, and continues to be, excessive. For example, 
the several nationalities resident in Honolulu suffered 



1 In many Indian tribes children are suckled to the fourth, fifth, or even 
twelfth year, with consequent lowering of the birth-rate. 

2 Lubbock, "The Origin of Civilization," p. 55. 



LATER PERIOD 



219 



the following death-rate per 1000, in two recent 
years : — 





1896 


1897 


Estimated Popu- 
lation 


Hawaiians . . 
Asiatics . 


• 


32.78 
14.60 
19.48 
16.10 
22.43 


29.30 
19.30 

15-79 
14.68 
21.97 


1 1,000 
10,000 


Portuguese . . 
Others . . . 


• 


3,000 

4,000 
30,000 


All Nationalities 


• 



The chief causes which produced the excessive 
mortality of early days have already been mentioned, 
viz., war, the practice of infanticide, and the offering 
of human sacrifices. These, indeed, ceased to oper- 
ate, but others took their place; I specify six as 
especially influential: (1) venereal disease; (2) other 
infectious or contagious maladies; (3) the excessive 
use of intoxicants ; (4) change of physical and psy- 
chical habit; (5) leprosy; and (6) kahuna practice. 1 

1 Gerland ("Ueber das Aussterben der Naturvblker," p. 118), after 
speaking of the destruction of many nature peoples by war, etc., says : — 
" The Polynesians, on the other hand, have for the most part destroyed 
themselves ; first, by their measureless sexual excesses (Tahiti, Hawaii) ; 
secondly, by the practice of infanticide so frightfully prevalent among 
them ; thirdly, by the sanguine and devastating wars which they waged 
among themselves ; fourthly, by the severe oppression of the common 
people by the ruling classes ; and, fifthly, by the slight value attached by 
them to human life. They were already in process of extinction when 
civilization came to them ; and this, except in a few cases, merely brought 
the disease with which they were already saturated and poisoned to a 
more speedy, and a fatal, issue, through the physical and psychical exci- 
tation which it inevitably wrought, and which constituted, thus, the sixth 
cause of their extirpation." 



220 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

Venereal i. The first of these, introduced by whites, was 

spread, through the loose sexual relations of the 
people, with unexampled rapidity. It is hardly too 
much to say that it saturated the whole race ; and 
it resulted, in addition to frequent sterility, in un- 
dermining the strength of adults so as to make 
them the easy prey of tubercular and other dis- 
eases ; and in a diminished viability, alike pre-natal 
and post-natal, for the new generation. It is proba- 
bly correct to say, as a distinguished authority has 
done, 1 that syphilis is, next to tuberculosis, the worst 
enemy of the human race ; and nowhere, perhaps, 
have these two implacable destroyers wrought to- 
gether more unhindered, and with more fatal effect, 
than in Hawaii. 

oiher 2. The germs of epidemic diseases also found there 

a virgin field, a weakened power of resistance, an in- 
adequate supply of skilled physicians and nurses, 
an abundance of kahunas, and almost complete igno- 
rance of hygienic, sanitary, and remedial measures 
on the part of the people, 2 as well as superstition 

1 Professor F. Renk, in Conrad's " Handwbrterbuch der Staatswissen- 
schaften," v. 299. 

2 " In my ministry among the thousands of Hilo and Puna. I have wit- 
nessed not only scores who have died in early life from the effects of bad 
habits, but also hundreds whose days have been shortened from sheer 
ignorance of physiological law. . . . Tormented with heat and thirst 
[the sick] plunged by scores and hundreds into the nearest water, salt or 
fresh, they could find, and, the eruption being suppressed, they died in a 
few hours. 11 (The Rev. Titus Coan, "Life, 1 ' pp. 258-260.) 



diseases 



LATER PERIOD 221 

and timidity. As was inevitable, these diseases ex- 
ploited the nation, sometimes with frightful effect. 
There is a tradition, apparently authentic, that some 
sort of pestilence, the okuu, — possibly resembling 
the Black Plague, — swept the islands in the first 
decade of the present century, and "took off the 
majority (hap a nut) of the population." 1 The 
" Friend " reports in March, 1849, that "by the epi- 
demics [whooping cough, measles, diarrhoea, and 
influenza] which have raged among the Hawaiians 
during the last twelve months, it is estimated that 
not less than 10,000 [persons] have been swept 
away, or about one-tenth of the population." 2 Dur- 
ing eight months of the years 185 3-1 854 the small- 
pox ravaged Oahu and Hawaii, 6405 cases being 
reported, and 2485 deaths. The mortality resulting 
from subsequent epidemics — small-pox in 1881, 
and cholera in 1895 — was relatively slight. 

3. The proneness of the natives to alcoholic excess Alcoholic 
has already been pointed out. The usual effects of exc 
this habit are well known, such as: the impairment 
of digestion, the degeneration of the blood, the exci- 
tation and partial paralysis of the nervous system, 
the enfeeblement of the heart, the derangement of the 
skin, the kidneys, and the liver, the diminution of the 

1 Native writer in "Kuokoa," February 28, 1863; quoted in "Annual" 
for 1897, p. 96. 

2 Topinard (op. cz't., p. 414) states that measles destroyed half the 
population of the Fiji Islands. 



habit 



222 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

power to resist disease and of virility, the debilitation 
of the will, the obfuscation of the moral sense; and 
with all this, the tendency toward alchoholism, im- 
becility, epilepsy, and insanity in offspring. In the 
case of the Hawaiians, we have also to remember the 
greater gravity which a tropical climate always gives 
to most of these effects of alcoholic dissipation ; 1 and 
the ignorance, the love of excitement, the frolicsome 
and imitative nature, and the want of self-control, 
which left the people without inner restraint. 
change of 4. While a change of habit or condition does not 
appear to affect viability as it often does fecundity, 
in a wholly unexplainable manner, it may exert a bale- 
ful influence upon it of another and more obvious 
sort. Thus, in the Hawaiian Islands, the introduc- 
tion of civilized modes of dress, partly through the 
exhortations of the modest missionaries, and partly 
through the dominant imitative faculty and the love 
of ornament which characterized the natives, proved 
in many instances disastrous. Habituated formerly 
to a nudity almost entire, 2 "they often put on two 
pairs of pantaloons over a thick woollen shirt, with 
tight boots, and a thick coat or heavy overall," and 
appeared thus in public, " panting with heat and wet 

1 u A skinful of beer and a small hat mean a short life if a merry one 
under a tropical sun." (Younghusband, "The Philippines," etc., New 
York, 1899.) 

a It has been said that the usual costume of the early Hawaiian was " a 
smile, a malo [girdle], and a cutaneous eruption." 



LATER PERIOD 223 

with perspiration," only to fling all this aside on re- 
turning home, and sit or sleep in the thinnest cloth- 
ing and the coolest place to be found. 1 " The 
writer remembers seeing the native church-goers, 
when caught in a shower on approaching the meet- 
ing-house, throw off their finery, men and women 
together, and enter the building almost in puris 
naturalibus, with their coats and gowns in bundles 
under their arms. Within, the voice of the preacher 
could hardly be heard above the coughing and sneez- 
ing of the crowded audience." 2 

So far as their huts were replaced by houses, the 
benefit was not unmixed with harm, "for, instead of 
ventilating them wisely," it was their frequent habit 
to shut " every door and window of a small and close 
room, lie down, cover their head with a woollen 
blanket, and thus sleep all night, the air growing 
more and more impure." 3 It was especially pul- 
monary diseases, and in particular tuberculosis, which 
resulted from these changes of condition and habit, — 
the more so as the syphilitic taint had induced a 
predisposition to these disorders. 

5. As to the origin of leprosy in Hawaii there is Leprosy 
some uncertainty. Sir Morell Mackenzie 4 quotes 

1 The Rev. Titus Coan, op, cit., p. 259. 

2 Dr. Titus Munson Coan, in the " Nation," July 24, 1879. 
8 The Rev. Titus Coan, op. cit., p. 259. 

4 "Nineteenth Century" for December, 1889, — with this Alexander 
seems to concur (" History," p. 290). 



224 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

Dr. W. Hillebrand as having treated the first case in 
1853. Dr. D wight Baldwin, however, asserts 1 that 
the disease was brought by a native chief from abroad 
about 1840. Be that as it may, the malady became 
widespread, insomuch that the policy of segregation 
at a point near Honolulu was entered upon in 1863. 
Two years later, the famous leper settlement was 
established on Molokai, and an organized effort begun 
to extirpate the disease. The natives, however, were 
opposed to this policy, — they did not much fear the 
malady, nor feel the necessity of a vigorous assault 
upon it; nor did they relish the prying inspection of 
officials, and the rupture of social ties and lifelong 
banishment to which it might lead. Armed, and even 
fatal, resistance to arrest and deportation was some- 
times made; and the antagonism of native and white 
elements, which is the " open secret " of later Hawaiian 
history, was thus greatly augmented. As a result, 
and for political reasons, the policy of segregation was 
seriously interfered with. 

The number of lepers on the books of the settle- 
ment at various periods is as follows : — 



1866 . 


. 105 


1885 . . 


. 655 


1870 . 


. 279 


1890 . . 


. 1213 


1875 . 


. 706 


1895 . ■ 


. 1087 


1880 . 


. . 606 


1897 . . 


. I IOO 



1 " Friend," February, 1890. 



LATER PERIOD 



225 



The above eleven hundred (December 31, 1897) 
were distributed by nationality as follows: — 

Hawaiians and part Hawaiians .... 1046 

Chinese 32 

Portuguese 6 

Americans 5 

British 4 

Germans 4 

South Sea Islanders . 2 

Russians 1 

Though the numbers at the settlement have in- 
creased in recent years, this fact does not indicate 
that leprosy has itself been increasing, but rather that 
efforts at isolation have been more strenuous and 
successful, and that the death-rate at the settlement 
has been diminished by the earlier removal thither of 
the sick, and perhaps in a less degree by the adoption 
of more thorough sanitary and medical measures. 
That the disease is decreasing throughout the islands, 
is the general testimony of government physicians, as 
printed in the reports of the Board of Health. Hap- 
pily — though this is a fact not generally understood 
— " it is exceedingly rare that a child inherits leprosy, 
and even where both parents are lepers, if the child is 
removed before it has become infected with the dis- 
ease by contact after birth, there is small danger of 
its developing leprosy." 1 " A man on Molokai mar- 

1 The Hon. W. O. Smith, President of the Board of Health, in Report 
for 1897, p. 10. 

Q 



226 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

ried in succession two leprous women, both of whom 
died, and both of whom bore seemingly healthy chil- 
dren." * With the consent of the parents, these 
"clean" children are removed from the colony, and 
reared in private families, or — in the case of girls — 
in the Kapiolani Home, under the care of the Fran- 
ciscan Sisters. There seems to be little doubt that 
this incurable and frightful disease, though two and 
a half per cent of the native population are even yet 
dying of it, will ultimately be extirpated. Meantime, 
how slight the danger of infection is, for whites, may 
be surmised from the foregoing figures; and that 
every effort is made which reason or charity could 
suggest to give care, and comfort, and culture to the 
unfortunates at the settlement, may be believed on 
the testimony of Robert Louis Stevenson, and many 
others who have visited it. 
Kahuna 6. To what extent kahuna practice prevails it is 

difficult for obvious reasons to determine. 2 I find the 

1 Mary H. Krout, " Hawaii and a Revolution," p. 195. She adds, " The 
husband did not himself contract the disease." 

2 The procedure and influence of the kahuna are thus vividly de- 
scribed by the Rev. Sereno E. Bishop : " When a Hawaiian is ill, his 
superstitious relatives and friends immediately seek to persuade him that 
his sickness is owing to the malign presence of some demon, who must 
either be propitiated or expelled by force. Some kahuna is called in to 
accomplish this object. He is believed to enjoy special power with some 
patron demon, who may be the one needing to be propitiated, or whose 
agency may be called in to expel and overcome the perhaps less powerful 
agent of the disease. If one kahuna proves insufficient to the task, 
others must be found who possess the special influence needed. The 



LATER PERIOD 227 

following testimonies concerning the matter by gov- 
ernment physicians in the various districts, in the 
report of the Board of Health for the year 1892: — 

The kahuna " is a curse to the Hawaiian race ; by maltreatment 
and no treatment, but by secreting patients away from the authorities 
and agents of the Board of Health, he may be classed as a cause of 
death among Hawaiians, and I honestly believe the chief cause " 
[Maui]. " It is owing to his influence that there are so many cases 
of sickness and death without medical attendance " [Kauai]. "The 
cause, above all causes, of the large death-rate among native 
Hawaiians is the omnipresent kahuna, ever ready with his time-worn 
argument of diseases haole [foreign], and diseases Hawaiian, to work 
destruction to his people" [Hawaii]. "Notwithstanding the pro- 
fessive influence of schools and other educational advantages, kahuna- 
ism seems to continue its hold upon the great majority of the natives " 

processes employed are always quite expensive to the patient, and very 
commonly quite severe. There are sacrifices of pigs and fowls ; there are 
complex incantations. There are doubtless various efforts allied to mes- 
meric or hypnotic phenomena. Violent sweatings and purgings are fre- 
quently used to promote the expulsion of the demon, with great physical 
severities of different kinds, such as often are of themselves fatal to the 
patient. The tension of anxiety and dread is terrible and very weaken- 
ing. A great mortality results directly from this violent and terrifying 
treatment. Furthermore, there is a large mortality caused by pure mental 
apprehension where no disease originally existed. The sufferer is told 
that a sorcerer is at work against him ; he at once sickens and is pros- 
trated, and soon dies. Or he is solemnly warned by a learned kahuna 
that he has symptoms of dangerous disease impending. Or he is con- 
scious of having committed some act, such as the violation of a vow, 
which has offended the family deity, or aicmakua, and through mental ap- 
prehension, the same effect of sickening ensues. All of these things play 
into the hands of the medicine man, bring him dupes and victims, increase 
his revenue, and multiply the mortality of the people. 1 ' ( Paper read 
before the Honolulu Social Science Association, November, 1888; it may 
be found in Blount, p. 303 et seq.) 



228 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

[Hawaii]. "This kingdom and particularly this place is infested 
with kahunas" [Molokai]. 

In the report of the Board of Health for 1897 I find 
the following testimonies by government physicians : — 

" Kahuna practice still exists, and I am convinced will continue as 
long as we have native Hawaiians" [Honolulu]. " Kahuna practice 
does not abate, excepting with the death of the practitioner, or an 
occasional and rare conviction in court" [Hawaii]. "The number of 
kahunas, both male and female, in this district is legion" [Hawaii]. 
" The kahuna is very much in evidence in Kona, and will be till the 
last Hawaiian is gone " [Hawaii]. " There is no doubt that kahuna- 
ism is being constantly practised in this district, even amongst the 
more intelligent Hawaiians" [Maui]. "The Hawaiian kahuna is the 
bug-bear of every country physician . . . my advice disregarded, 
medicines rejected, and kind offices converted into suspicious pro- 
ceedings, by the influence over the Hawaiian mind of the kahuna " 
[Maui]. "The belief in the kahuna anaana, the sorcerer, the one 
who cures or prays his victim to death, incredible as it may seem, 
still exists in the district of Lahaina. This has been proven, after 
careful inquiry and observation, beyond the shadow of a doubt. 
Native Hawaiians die to-day from fear of anaana, just as highly 
nervous members of the Anglo-Saxon or Latin races often go mad 
or die from a too severe or prolonged mental strain" [Maui]. 

To the foregoing particular causes of the high death- 
rate among the Hawaiians should be added their 
general carelessness in all matters pertaining to health 
and their improvidence ; to this is largely due the 
excessive mortality of infants and young children. 1 

1 See testimony respecting this by various government physicians in the 
Report of the Board of Health for 1897. 

The ratio of children surviving to the whole number of children born, to 



LATER PERIOD 229 

THE WHITE MAN IN THE TROPICS 

The social future of Hawaii will be determined 
mainly by the relative growth or decay of its three 
racial elements. That the pure-blood native will be a 
steadily dwindling factor, relatively to the whole pop- 
ulation, if not absolutely, admits of no doubt. That 
the part Hawaiians will for some time to come in- 
crease in number, and then tend gradually to dis- 
appear as a separable element, seems likely. That 
the number of Asiatics will diminish, subsequently 
to the application to Hawaii of the United States 
contract labor laws, is for many reasons probable. 
Unless, therefore, Europeans or Americans immi- 
grate in considerable numbers, or the birth and 
death rates undergo change, the population is likely 
to remain stationary, or fall steadily off as it was 
always doing up to twenty years ago. But this is 
hardly a possible contingency, so long as the sugar 
industry remains profitable. Labor mast be had ; and 
it is likely to be white labor in an increasing ratio, 
provided it is found that the white man can work 
under tropical conditions, with a fair degree of comfort 
and efficiency, and that the industry can afford to pay 

mothers of various nationalities, was given in the Census Report of 1896, 
as follows : Hawaiians, 59.50 per cent; Portuguese, 71.67 per cent; 
part Hawaiian, 75.12 per cent; British, 76.25 per cent; American, 77.68 
per cent; German, 78.60 per cent; Norwegian, 82.35 percent; Chinese, 
87.56 per cent ; Japanese, 88.75 P er cent 5 see Appendix C, p. 246. 



230 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



Views of 
Kidd and 
Pearson 



him such wages as he will demand. These are, there- 
fore, much the most important questions relative 
to the social future of these islands, and remaining 
still to be solved. I will conclude with some sugges- 
tions respecting the first of these questions, which 
has an important bearing on the future policy and 
destiny, not only of Hawaii, but also of the United 
States 1 and of Europe, in their relations to tropical 
countries. 

The ability of the white man to work effectively 
and propagate his kind within the tropics has lately 
been denied by Benjamin Kidd: 2 — 



" The attempt to acclimatize the white man in the tropics must be 
recognized as a blunder of the first magnitude. All experiments based 
upon the idea are mere idle and empty enterprises fore-doomed to 
failure. ... In the tropics the white man lives and works only as a 
diver lives and works under water. . . . Neither physically, morally, 
nor politically, can he be acclimatized in the tropics." 



1 As to the second point, I will content myself with quoting the follow- 
ing words from an address delivered before the Honolulu Social Science 
Association, June 28, 1897, by Judge W. F. Frear: — " The truth is, that 
high wages indicate low cost of production, that is to say, they are the 
result of low cost, not the cause of high cost, and high-priced laborers are 
not at a disadvantage in competition with low-priced ones ; nor is a capitalist 
who pays high wages at a disadvantage in competition with one who pays 
low wages. . . . We may go further and affirm not only that there would 
be no pecuniary loss in paying white laborers more than Asiatic, but that 
there would be a positive gain, and that this gain would be greater the 
higher the wages paid — that is, paid not excessively or arbitrarily through 
ignorance or generosity, but in accordance with the law of supply and 
demand, and, therefore, necessarily, in proportion to efficiency." 

2 " The Control of the Tropics/' p. 48. 



LATER PERIOD 23 1 

In a very able and a very disheartening book, 1 
Charles H. Pearson has devoted a chapter to " The 
Unchangeable Limits of the Higher Races," assert- 
ing that — 

" Europeans cannot flourish under the tropics, and will not work 
with the hand where an inferior race works. . . . The result of all 
these considerations seems to be that by far the most fertile parts of 
the earth, and which either are or are bound to be the most populous, 
cannot possibly be the homes of what it is convenient to call the 
Aryan race, or, indeed, of any higher race whatsoever." 

This opinion, which is held by perhaps the larger 
number of writers on acclimatization and coloniza- 
tion, 2 requires more precise statement and further 
examination. I can only suggest here certain 
points relative to the inquiry. 

1. It will not do to lump all tropical regions to- Differences 
gether in a single phrase and judgment; isothermal topics 
lines must be reckoned with as well as parallels of 
latitude; and differences of location — insular, conti- 
nental, coastwise, interior — and of topographical 
configuration, of altitude, of atmospheric humidity, 
of rainfall, of soil, of flora. Thus, it is unintelli- 
gent to place Honolulu in the same climatic class 
with Timbuktu or Bombay, though these are not 
very much nearer the equator. 

1 "National Life and Character," ch. i. 

2 See two articles on "Acclimatization" by Professor W. Z. Ripley in 
the "Popular Science Monthly," March and April, 1896, containing a large 
number of references to the literature of the subject. 



232 



THE MAKING OF HAW AH 



Differences 
of races 



Temper- 
ature 



2. It is probable that a similar distinction must be 
made between the several European peoples, as con- 
cerns their facility of acclimatization in hot regions. 
Italians, as in the Americas ; Spaniards, as in Cuba ; 
the Portuguese, as in Hawaii ; even the French, as in 
Bourbon, seem to have adapted themselves somewhat 
more readily hitherto than have more northern stocks 
to tropical conditions. This is perhaps a hint from 
Nature to planters and promoters within equatorial 
regions, as to the best European sources for their 
labor supply. 

3. So far as temperature is concerned, it is not 
likely that that, taken by itself, whether high or low, 
can permanently repel or overwhelm the Caucasian. 
He must, indeed, both adapt and habituate himself in 
the tropics to great and continuous heat ; and even so 
it will prove disastrous in many cases for a generation 
or two, as it will also probably diminish permanently 
the enterprise and activity of the race. This will 
result, not only from the direct depressing effect of 
constant heat on the nervous system, but also from 
the lesser amount of oxygen in a given bulk of air ; 
slower respiration and consequent impairment of the 
blood; diminished flow of urine; increased action of the 
liver, leading to reaction and hepatic deposit ; and in- 
creased action of the skin, resulting frequently in chill. 1 

1 See paper by Surgeon General Sir William Moore, in " Transactions of 
the Seventh International Congress of Hygiene and Demography,' 1 x. 165 
et seq. 



LATER PERIOD 233 

4. The one fatal feature of low equatorial regions Malaria 
— malaria — is fatal to colored races, as it is to white. 
Thus, Professor Henry Drummond sets it down 1 as 
the second sure fact concerning African fever that 
natives suffer from it " equally with Europeans." 
Changes of residence within the tropics are com- 
monly more fatal to blacks than to whites. 2 The 
National Board of Health stated, in 1880, 3 that the 
vital statistics of Cuba " demonstrate conclusively, as 
statistics of all southern countries have invariably 
done, that the old idea that the negro surpassed the 
white in enduring tropical or southern climates was 
false ; that in truth the colored death-rate is habitually 
greater." " For twenty-three large cities of the South, 
according to the reports of the National Board of 
Health for 1881, the rate [of mortality] for malarial 
fever was 1004 per 100,000 for the whites, and 133.0 
for the negroes." For the year 1897, tne death-rate 
due to this cause was three times as great for the 
blacks as the whites in New Orleans ; two and two- 
thirds as great in Memphis ; 60 per cent greater in 
Charleston ; and 40 per cent greater in Savannah. 4 
During the Civil War, " the average rate of admis- 
sions to hospitals for malarial diseases was 522 per 
1000 for the white troops, and 829 for the colored 

1 u Tropical Africa, 11 p. 44. 

2 Instances in Ratzel, " Anthropogeographie, 11 Zweiter Theil, p. 367. 
8 Report, p. 224. 

4 Reports furnished me by courtesy of Health Officers. 



234 



THE MAKING OF HAWAII 



Diseases 
" run out 



Diminished 
death-rate 



troops. . . . The average death-rate for malarial dis- 
eases was 3.36 per 1000 for the whites, and 10.03 f° r 
the colored troops." 1 From yellow fever, however, the 
negro is relatively though not entirely immune. 

5. And in so far as the colored peoples, in par- 
ticular torrid regions, resist certain zymotic diseases 
more successfully than the whites, the fact does not 
of itself prove that they are by racial constitution 
more impervious to those diseases, and hence better 
adapted to live in the countries which they infest, 
any more than the enormous fatality of measles 
when first introduced into the Hawaiian and Fijian 
Islands proved that the Pacific Islander, as such, is 
peculiarly susceptible to that malady. The fact seems 
to be — and the "germ theory" of disease helps to 
explain it — that many diseases tend to lose their 
virulence when successive generations are subjected 
to their influence; they "run out." How great an 
effect this law will have on the permanent occupa- 
tion of torrid regions by white races, it is still too 
early to determine. 

6. It seems to be established that the mortality of 
Europeans in tropical countries has been greatly 
diminished in recent years by the establishment of 
hygienic habits and sanitary conditions. I will adduce 
only two examples among many, — the experience of 



1 Hoffman, " Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro, 1 
p. 97. 



LATER PERIOD 235 

the Dutch and the British armies in India. In the 
former, the death-rate for the thirty years following 
181 9 was 1 1 3.9 per iooo; in a like period following 
1850, it was 59.2, and in the highlands only 46.2. 1 

The change in this regard which has taken place in 
the British Indian army is very instructive. " It is on 
record that in the year 1757, only five out of the two 
hundred and fifty soldiers who came to Madras in Au- 
gust of the previous year survived." After the trans- 
fer of the country from the East India Company to 
the crown, in 1858, sanitary commissioners were ap- 
pointed, municipalities were erected, the food supply 
was increased by irrigation and otherwise, and purer 
and more abundant water was provided, as well as 
systems of drainage and of filth-removal, vaccination 
was introduced, hospitals and dispensaries were built, 
and a popular literature on health topics was created. 
And as a result of all this, the mortality of natives in 
the great cities was much diminished, 2 while the 
death-rate of European soldiers was reduced from 
69 per 1000 in 1863 to about 14 per 1000 in 1890. 3 

1 Dr. C. L. van der Burg, in " Transactions of the Seventh International 
Congress of Hygiene and Demography," x. 172. 

2 The deaths from cholera in Bombay reached an annual average of 
2365 during the ten-year period, 1 850-1 859 ; in the like period, 1 879-1 888, 
they averaged 401 ; similarly of Madras and Calcutta. See tables in 
"Transactions," etc., xi. 57-59. 

8 Thus Surgeon General Sir William Moore ; according to Professor 
J. Lome Notter, the average death-rate of European soldiers in India 
from 1828-1856 was about 55 per 1000. 



236 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

It is Stokvis's striking conclusion, that whereas the 
several European armies stationed within the tropics 
formerly suffered a death-rate of 100-129 per 1000, 
this has now been reduced to 15-30. 1 What assur- 
ance have those who prophesy thus confidently that 
the white man can " never n live and thrive within 
the tropics, that the advance of sanitary and medical 
science may not only carry this ameliorative process 
much further, but may even put a new face on the 
matter by the entire conquest or great mitigation of 
the diseases in question ? What has been done by 
vaccination, inoculation, and anti-toxines in the case 
of small-pox, rabies, and diphtheria, and by sanitation 
and quarantines in the case of plague and cholera, 
may yet be done with zymotic and malarial diseases, 
so that a relative immunity, at least, from their rav- 
ages may be everywhere enjoyed. 
Deteriora- 7- The current view that the European stock inva- 

riably and seriously deteriorates in the tropics is 
probably not true as concerns their more favorably 
located portions. Sir Clements R. Markham, C.B., 
reports 2 concerning the only six European families 
within his personal knowledge who had lived for 
more than two centuries on the tropical uplands of 
Peru, without probable admixture of Indian blood ; 

1 " Ueber Vergleichende der Rassenpathologie," pp. 10-12, cited by 
Van der Burg. 

2 "Transactions/ 1 etc., x. 181. 



tion of 
stocks 



LATER PERIOD 237 

and in all these cases there had certainly been no de- 
terioration, either physical or mental. " The height, 
the chest development, the fresh complexion, the 
powers of endurance," had all been maintained intact. 
Dr. G. M. Giles, having medical charge of the 
Lawrence Military Asylum, a large school for the 
children of soldiers, at Sanawar, Punjab, says : " Per- 
sonally, I am inclined to doubt if there be any marked 
differences between children reared in India and in 
England ; at any rate, if they get a fair share of the 
hills. The fact is, that the notions that have sprung 
up on this point are without exception the result of 
desultory general observation, entirely unchecked by 
the numerical method." This agrees with the con- 
clusion of Waitz, " that it is possible to establish a 
race of European children in the tropics, which after 
a few generations will be able, for the most part, to 
support the same bodily fatigues as the original in- 
habitants." So far as the case of Hawaii throws any 
light on the question, it is distinctly favorable to this 
view; "there is no deterioration of Anglo-Saxon 
families from generation to generation, either physi- 
cally or mentally, but there are indications of a con- 
trary tendency." 1 

1 Hon. S. B. Dole, in " Harper's Weekly," February n, 1899. 

In the pamphlet entitled " Jubilee Celebration," etc., published in Hono- 
lulu in 1887, is to be found "a catalogue, alphabetically arranged, of the 
missionaries at the Hawaiian Islands sent by the American Board of 
Commissioners for Foreign Missions of Boston and the Seamen's Friend 



238 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

Field labor 8. As to the specific question of field labor or other 
strenuous physical exertion by whites in hot climates, 
no very exact and decisive inquiries have been made, 
so far as I am aware. The popular impression con- 
cerning the matter is doubtless correct in part; but 
observations in Florida, extending through a period 
of fifteen years, in winters and summers alike, have 
convinced me that a conclusion of this nature may 
be adopted almost universally and without question, 
which nevertheless is, on the whole, false. And in 
Hawaii, white men have already for two generations 
engaged in small farming, in all manner of field 
work and other manual labor, without serious in- 
convenience. Sunstroke is unknown. To be sure, 
Hawaii enjoys an exceptional climate; but recent 
experience in northern Queensland, under strictly 
tropical conditions, seems to point the same way. 
According to T. M. Donovan : l "A large number 
of the big plantations are broken up into small farms 
of about eighty acres each, and sold at easy terms to 
white farmers. Where a few years ago there was 
a large plantation worked by gangs of South Sea 

Society of New York, 1 ' giving the number of children, grandchildren, 
and great-grandchildren born to those missionaries, and the number of 
such descendants still living at that time. This catalogue is to be com- 
mended to the attention of those who deny the power of the white man to 
propagate his kind within the tropics. 

lu Industrial Expansion in Queensland, 11 in "Westminster Review," 
March, 1897. 



tives 



LATER PERIOD 239 

Islanders, there are now twenty or thirty comfortable 
homesteads. And the contention that white European 
labor could not stand the field work is blown into thin 
air by the practical experience of thousands of white 
laborers all along the coast. The black labor question 
is settling itself ; it is only a matter of time until the 
sugar industry can entirely do away with kanaka labor." 

9. Finally, it must not be forgotten that the effort Newincen- 
to colonize the hot regions with whites has been made, 
for the most part, during a period when immense 
expanses of new, rich, and comparatively unoccupied 
territory, lying both in the north and south temperate 
zones, have been opened to immigrants. Naturally, 
these have been peopled first. No other such lands 
remain to be discovered and possessed. And when 
the pressure of population upon limits of territory and 
means of subsistence in these new regions becomes 
great — as is already beginning to be the case — fresh 
incentives will be felt to push further on. Probably 
some relief will come, as formerly, from a diminishing 
birth-rate; but, doubtless, also, efforts more strenuous 
and more scientific will be made than has heretofore 
been the case, to overcome the difficulties of resi- 
dence in hot countries. The final result can hardly 
be doubtful, though it may be long delayed. 



This sketch of the social evolution of Hawaii 
supports the conviction, and illustrates the fact, that 



240 THE MAKING OF HAWAII 

civilization is largely a struggle of races for survival 
and supremacy ; and that in this struggle the decisive 
forces are psychical and moral. Important as is the 
physical environment, the conquest of the world and 
the fashioning of societies belong nevertheless to the 
peoples who are rich in insight, ideas, invention, 
ambition, faith, judgment, courage, conscience, sym- 
pathy, and self-control. If the Teutonic peoples are 
more abundantly endowed with these qualities than 
others, and shall preserve them undiminished in time 
to come, they will inherit and dominate the earth; 
whatever races are deficient in these inner energies, 
and remain so, will either fade gradually away through 
contact with the stronger, or will forfeit their inde- 
pendence and occupy a place of subjection and 
tutelage. And this will be well. 

Ua mau ka ea o ka aina i ka pono. 

— Hawaiian National Motto. 



APPENDIX A 



The following is a list of those who have held high office in the 
Hawaiian Islands : — 

I. SOVEREIGNS. 

Kamehameha I., Kamehameha II., Kamehameha III., Kamehameha IV., 
Kamehameha V., William C. Lunalilo, David Kalakaua, Liliuokalani. 

II. KUHINA NUIS (Premiers). 

Kaahumanu, Kinau, Kekauluohi, John Young, Jr., Victoria Kamamalu. 

III. CABINET MINISTERS. 

President of Treasury Board and Recorder. Dr. G. P. Judd. 

Ministers of Foreign Affairs. 
Under the Monarchy. 

Dr. G. P. Judd, R. C. Wyllie, C. de Varigny, C. C. Harris, F. W. 

Hutchinson (pro tern.), C. R. Bishop, W. L. Green, H. A. P. Carter, 

H. A. Peirce, J. M. Kapena, C. C. Moreno, J. E. Bush (ad interim), 

W. M. Gibson, R. J. Creighton, Godfrey Brown, J. Austin, J. A. 

Cummins, S. Parker, Joseph Nawahi, M. P. Robinson. 
Under the Provisional Government. 

S. B. Dole (and President), F. M. Hatch. 
Under the Republic. 

S. B. Dole (and President), F. M. Hatch, H. E. Cooper, W. O. Smith 

(ad interim), S. M. Damon (ad interim). 

Ministers of the Interior. 

Under the Monarchy. 
Dr. G. P. Judd, John Young, Jr., Lot Kamehameha, G. M. Robertson, 
C. G. Hopkins, F. W. Hutchinson, E. O. Hall, H. A. Widemann, 
W. L. Green (ad interim), W. L. Moehonua, J. Mott Smith, S. G. 

r 241 



242 APPENDIX A 

Wilder, J. E. Bush, H. A. P. Carter, W. N. Armstrong {ad interim), 
S. K. Kaai, J. E. Bush, W. M. Gibson, C. T. Gulick, L. Aholo, 
J. A. Austin (ad interim), L. A. Thurston, C. N. Spencer, G. N. 
Wilcox, J. F. Colburn. 

Under the Provisional Government. 
J. A. King. 

Under the Republic. 
J. A. King, H. E. Cooper (ad interim}. 

Ministers of Finance. 

Under the Monarchy. 
Dr. G. P. Judd, E. O. Hall (acting), E. H. Allen, D. L. Gregg, 
C. G. Hopkins, C. de Varigny, C. C. Harris, J. Mott Smith, R. Stir- 
ling, P. Nahaolelua, J. S. Walker, J. M. Kapena, S. K. Kaai, 
M. Kuaea, J. S. Walker, J. E. Bush, C. T. Gulick (acting), P. P. 
Kanoa, W. L. Green, S. M. Damon, Godfrey Brown, H. A. Wide- 
mann, S. Parker (acting), G. W. Macfarlane, W. H. Cornwell, P. C. 
Jones. 

Under the Provisional Government. 
P. C. Jones, T. C. Porter, S. M. Damon. 

Under the Republic. 
S. M. Damon, J. A. King (ad interim), H. E. Cooper (ad interim) r 
T. F. Lansing. 

Attorney Generals. 

Under the Monarchy. 
John Ricord, C. C. Harris, S. H. Phillips, A. F. Judd, A. S. Hartwell, 
R. H. Stanley, J. S. Walker (ad interim), W. R. Castle, E. Preston, 
W. C. Jones, W. N. Armstrong, H. A. P. Carter, W. M. Gibson, 
Paul Neumann, J. T. Dare, J. L. Kaulukou, L. Aholo (ad interim), 
A. Rosa, C. W. Ashford, A. P. Peterson, W. A. Whiting, H. A. 
Widemann (ad interim), Charles Creighton, C. Brown. 

Under the Provisional Government. 
W. O. Smith. 

Under the Republic. 
W. O. Smith, H. E. Cooper (ad interim), F. M. Hatch (ad interim). 

Ministers of Public Instruction. 
Under the Monarchy. 
The Rev. William Richards, the Rev. Richard Armstrong. 



APPENDIX A 243 

IV. JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT. 
Under the Monarchy. 

Chief Justices : the king {ex officio, prior to 1847), W. L. Lee, E. H. 

Allen, C. C. Harris, A. F. Judd. Associates : L. Andrews, John Ii, 

G. M. Robertson, R. G. Davis, J. W. Austin, A. S. Hartwell, H. A. 

Widemann, L. McCully, B. H. Austin, E. Preston, A. Fornander, 

R. F. Bickerton, S. B. Dole. 
Under the Provisional Government. 

Chief Justice : A. F. Judd. Associates : R. F. Bickerton, W. F. Frear. 
Under the Republic. 

Chief Justice : A. F. Judd. Associates : R. F. Bickerton, W. F. 

Frear, W. A. Whiting. 



APPENDIX B 



The whole number, and the names, of missionaries sent to Hawaii 
by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions are as 
follows : — 

i. The first party, arriving in 1820, was composed of Hiram Bingham 
and Asa Thurston, ordained missionaries, and their wives ; Thomas 
Holman, a physician, Samuel Whitney and Samuel Ruggles, teachers, 
Elisha Loomis, printer, and Daniel Chamberlain, a farmer, and their wives ; 
and Thomas Hopu, William Kanui, and John Honuri, three Hawaiian 
young men from the Cornwall School. Reinforcements arrived as fol- 
lows : — 

2. In 1823, William Richards, Charles Samuel Stewart, and Artemas 
Bishop, ordained missionaries, Joseph Goodrich and James Ely, licensed 
preachers, Abraham Blatchley, physician, and their wives ; and Levi Cham- 
berlain, "superintendent of secular concerns." 

3. In 1828, Lorrin Andrews, Jonathan S. Green, Peter J. Gulick, and 
Ephraim W. Clark, ordained missionaries, Gerrit P. Judd, physician, 
Stephen Shepard, printer, and their wives ; and Miss Maria C. Ogden, 
Miss Delia Stone, Miss Mary Ward, and Miss Maria Patten, assistants 
and teachers. 

4. In 1 83 1, Dwight Baldwin, Reuben Tinker, and Sheldon Dibble, 
ordained missionaries, and Andrew Johnstone, "assistant in secular 
affairs, 1 ' and their wives. 

5. In 1S32, John S. Emerson, David B. Lyman, Ephraim Spaulding, 
William P. Alexander, Richard Armstrong, Cochran Forbes, Harvey R. 
Hitchcock, and Lorenzo Lyons, ordained missionaries, Alonzo Chapin, 
physician, and their wives; and Edmund H. Rogers, printer. 

6. In 1833, Benjamin W. Parker and Lowell Smith, ordained mission- 
aries, and their wives ; and Lemuel Fuller, printer. 

7. In 1835, Titus Coan, ordained missionary, Henry Dimond, book- 
binder, Edwin O. Hall, printer, and their wives ; and Miss Lydia Brown 
and Miss Elizabeth M. Hitchcock. 

244 



APPENDIX B 



245 



8. In 1837, Isaac Bliss, Daniel T. Conde, Mark Ives, and Thomas 
Lafor, M.D., ordained missionaries, Seth L. Andrews, M.D., physician, 
Samuel N. Castle, "assistant secular superintendent," Edward Bailey, 
Amos S. Cooke, Edward Johnson, Horton O. Knapp, Edwin Locke, 
Charles McDonald, Bethuel Munn, William S. Van Duzee, and Abner 
Wilcox, teachers, and their wives ; and Miss Marcia M. Smith and Miss 
Lucia G. Smith, teachers. 

9. In 1 841, Elias Bond, Daniel Dole, and John D. Paris, ordained 
missionaries, William H. Rice, teacher, and their wives. 

10. In 1842, George B. Rowell and James W. Smith, M.D., ordained 
missionaries, and their wives. 

11. In 1844, Claudius B. Andrews, Timothy D wight Hunt, and Eli- 
phalet Whittlesey, and their wives; and John F. Pogue, ordained mis- 
sionaries. 

12. In 1848, Samuel G. Dwight and Henry Kinney, ordained missiona- 
ries, and Mrs. Kinney. 

13. In 1849, Charles H. Wetmore, M.D., and his wife. 

14. In 1854, William C. Shipman, ordained missionary, and his wife. 

15. In 1855, William O. Baldwin, ordained missionary, and William 
A. Spooner, and their wives. 

16. In 1858, Anderson Forbes, ordained missionary, and his wife. 

17. In i860, Cyrus T. Mills, ordained missionary, and his wife. 

18. In 1862, O. H. Gulick, ordained missionary, and his wife. 

19. In 1862, S. E. Bishop, ordained missionary, and his wife. 

20. In 1864, L. H. Gulick, ordained missionary, and his wife. 

21. In 1865, William DeWitt Alexander, ordained missionary, and his 
wife. 

22. In 1877, Charles M. Hyde, ordained missionary, and his wife. 

23. In 1889, William D. Westervelt, ordained missionary, and his wife. 

24. In 1894, John Leadingham, ordained missionary, and his wife. 

It thus appears that a total of 171 persons have been appointed to this 
field by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, of 
whom 50 were ordained missionaries, 27 laymen, and 94 females. 



APPENDIX C 



The following tables are taken from the Report of the General Superin- 
tendent of the Census, 1896 (with modifications), and from the "Hawaiian 
Annual 11 for 1899 : — 



I. Total Males and Females of All Nationalities 



Nationalities 



Male 



Female 



Totals 



Hawaiians . . . 
Part Hawaiians 

Americans . . . 

British . . . . 
Germans .... 

French . . . . 

Norwegians . . . 

Portuguese . . . 

Japanese . . . . 

Chinese . . . . 

S. S. Islanders . . 
Other nationalities 

Totals . . . 



16,399 
4,249 

1.975 

1,406 

866 

56 

216 

8,202 

19,212 

19,167 

321 

448 



14,620 
4,236 
1,111 

844 
566 

45 

162 

6,989 

5,195 

2,449 

134 
152 



3^019 
8,485 
3,086 
2,250 

1432 

101 

378 

15,191 

24,407 

21,616 

455 
600 



72,517 



36,503 



109,020 



246 



APPENDIX C 



247 



II. Percentage of Females of Each Nationality 



Nationalities 


1866 


1872 


1878 


1884 


1890 


1896 


Hawaiians 


47.05 


46.72 


46.75 


46.26 


46.67 


47-13 


Part Hawaiians .... 


50.18 


50.74 


49-47 


49.76 


5 -!3 


49.92 


Hawaiian-born foreigners . 





51-25 


49.84 


47.65 


47-85 


48.61 


Portuguese 





7.09 


i3-3o 


45.20 


44-55 


44.17 


Chinese 


9.17 


5.52 


3-90 


4.85 


5.09 


7-32 


Japanese 











15.52 


18.45 


18.68 


Other foreigners .... 


25.25 


23.12 


29.77 


35-37 


28.97 


29.90 


Total averages . . . 


45.25 


44-37 


41.19 


36.04 


34-75 


33-48 



III. Mixed Races 



Nationality of Father 



1 Hawaiians . . . 

2 Part Hawaiians . 
Americans . . . 
British . . . . 
Germans . . . . 
French . . . . 
Norwegians . . . 
Portuguese . . . 
Japanese . . . . 
Chinese . . . . 
S. S. Islanders . . 
Other nationalities 

Totals . . . 



Male 



429 

1,147 
665 
590 
168 

39 

25 

296 

32 
656 

52 
150 



4,249 



Female 



462 

1,179 

647 

531 
159 

30 

28 

246 

45 
73i 

39 
139 



4,236 



Totals 



891 
2,326 
1,312 
1,121 

327 
69 

53 

542 

77 

1,387 

9i 
289 



8,485 



1 These cases are where Hawaiian fathers of pure blood have married wives who 
are of mixed blood ; their children are therefore classed as part Hawaiians. 

2 These cases are where a part Hawaiian has married a part Hawaiian, or in some 
instances an European or American woman. The latter cases are rare It has been 
found impossible to trace the original nationality of the grandfather or great-grand- 
father of this class of citizens. 



248 



APPENDIX C 



IV. Maternity Statistics 



Nationalities 



Number of 
Females over 
15 Years 




IS 


Per Cent of 
Married to All 
over 15 Years 


Per Cent of 
Mothers to Fe- 
males over 15 


s 

l_ 

1- c 

V V 

IS 


■gs| 

U C O 

w> Si s 

> '£ « 


Number of 
Children sur- 
viving 


9,778 


8,215 


84.01 


5936 


27,994 


4.82 


16,659 


1,727 


1,120 


64.85 


52-34 


4,031 


4-45 


3,028 


444 


199 


44.82 


34.68 


545 


3-54 


484 


59 2 


421 


71. 11 


49.66 


941 


3.20 


73i 


436 


357 


81.88 


59-63 


1,158 


4-45 


885 


258 


212 


82.17 


67.44 


776 


4.69 


610 


28 


8 


28.57 


10.71 


18 


6.00 


11 


65 


54 


83.07 


70.77 


204 


4-43 


168 


3,i99 


2,859 


8934 


72.42 


13,222 


5-68 


9,476 


4,064 


3,226 


79-38 


37-iS 


2,499 


1.65 


2,218 


1,269 


i,i73 


92.43 


66.50 


2,436 


2.88 


2,133 


105 


76 


72.38 


32.38 


76 


2.23 


49 


56 


49 


87-50 


64.28 


139 


3-86 


119 


22,021 


17,969 


81.60 


56.26 


54,039 


4-36 


36,569 



S 5 
3-5 2 



Hawaiians ..... 
Part Hawaiians . . . 
Hawaiian-born foreigners 

Americans 

British 

Germans 

French 

Norwegians 

Portuguese 

Japanese 

Chinese 

S. S. Islanders .... 
Other nationalities . . 



59-SO 
75 12 
88.80 
77.68 
76.25 
78.60 
61. 11 

8235 
71.67 
88.75 
87.56 
64.47 
85.61 



V. Owners of Real Estate and Homes, by Nationality 



Nationalities 



Hawaiians 

Part Hawaiians . . . 
Hawaiian-born foreigners 

Americans 

British 

Germans 

French 

Norwegians 

Portuguese 

Japanese 

Chinese 

S. S. Islanders . . . 
Other nationalities . . 

Totals 



Own Real Estate 


Own Home 


3^995 


3,100 


722 


456 


160 


68 


273 


192 


251 


167 


94 


96 


10 


8 


27 


20 


438 


695 


97 


345 


195 


758 


4 


2 


61 


59 



6,327 



5,966 



APPENDIX C 



249 



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Hawaiians . 
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French . . 
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Portuguese . 


Japanese 
Chinese . . 
S. S. Islanders 
Other nationali 



250 



APPEXDIX C 



VII. Literacy 



Nationalities 



Number above 
6 Years 



Number Able Per Cent Able 

to Read and i to Read and 

Write Write 



Hawaiians and Part Hawaiians . 
Americans and Europeans other 

than Portuguese 

Portuguese 

Japanese, Chinese, S. S. Islanders i 



32.390 

5-3I9 
8.0S9 

41.913 




VIII. Population by Nationality and Religion 



Nationalities 



Protestants ! Roman Catholics i Mormons 



Hawaiians 

Part Hawaiians . . . 
Hawaiian-born foreigners 

Americans 

British 

Germans 

French 

Norwegians 

Portuguese 

Japanese 

Chinese 

S. S. Islanders .... 
Other nationalities . . 

Total 



12.842 


8.427 


4,368 


3.242 


2.633 


396 


1. 801 


6,622 


IS 


1.404 


212 


34 


1,184 


180 


7 


592 


83 


2 


6 


57 


— 


154 


8 


— 


146 


7,812 


1 


711 


49 


4 


837 


67 


49 


178 


42 


3 


176 


171 


7 


23.273 


26,363 


4.8S6 



Grand total, 54,522 ; not reporting, 54.49S. 



APPENDIX C 



251 



IX. Receipts, Expenditures, and Public Debt for Biennial 
Periods, 1 856-1 897 



Periods Ending 

March up to 1894, 

then Dec. 31 


Revenue 


Expenditures 


Cash Balance, 
in Treasury 


Public Debt 


1856 .... 


$419,228 l6 


$424,778 25 


$28,096 84 


$22,000 OO 


1858 








537,223 86 


599,879 6l 


349 2 4 


60,679 I S 


i860 








571,041 71 


612,410 55 


13,127 52 


128,777 33 


1862 








528,039 92 


606,893 33 


507 40 


188,671 86 


1864 








538,445 34 


511,511 IO 


22,583 29 


166,649 °9 


1866 








721,104 30 


566,241 02 


169,059 34 


182,974 60 


1868 








825,498 98 


786,617 55 


163,567 84 


120,815 2 3 


1870 








834,112 65 


930,550 29 


61,580 20 


126,568 68 


1872 








912,130 74 


969,784 14 


56,752 41 


177,971 29 


1874 








1,136,523 95 


1,192,511 79 


764 57 


355,050 76 


1876 








1,008,956 42 


9*9,356 93 


89,599 49 


459,^7 59 


1878 








h*Sh7n 45 


1,110,471 90 


130,841 04 


444,800 00 


1880 








1,703,736 88 


1,495,697 48 


338,88o 44 


388,900 00 


1882 








2,070,259 94 


2,282,599 33 


126,541 05 


299,200 00 


1884 








3,092,085 42 


3,216,406 05 


2,220 42 


898,800 00 


1886 








3,010,654 61 


3,003,700 18 


9,174 85 


1,065,600 00 


1888 








4,812,575 95 


4,712,285 20 


109,465 60 


1,936,500 00 


1890 








3,632,196 85 


3,250,510 35 


491,152 10 


2,599,502 94 


1892 








3,916,880 72 


4,095,891 44 


312,141 38 


3,217,161 13 


1894 








3,587,204 98 


3,715,232 83 


184,113 53 


3,417,459 87 


1895 








3,506,183 96 


3,172,070 73 


69,225 76 


3,811,064 49 


1897 








5,042,504 94 


4,654,926 27 


456,804 43 


3,679,700 00 


bonded dee 


T, ETC., JANUA 


.RY 1, 1898 




Under Loan Act of 1882 . . 


. . 6 


% • • • • 


$34,200 00 


u u 


" 1886 . . 


. . 6 


% - • • • 


2,000,000 00 


a u 


« 1888 . . 


. . 6 


% • • • • 


190,000 00 


u u 


" 1890 . . 


. . 5 % and 6 


/o • • • • 


124,100 00 


u u 


" 1892 . . 


. . 5 % and 6 


/o • • • • 


119,400 00 


U it 


" 1893 . . 


. . 6 


10 • • • • 


650,000 00 


" " " 1896 . . 


• • 5 


0/ 

/o • • • • 


562,000 00 
3,679,700 00 


Due Postal Savings Bank Depo 


sitors . . . 




809,181 62 










Total 






$4,488,881 62 



252 



APPENDIX C 



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8 



APPENDIX C 



253 



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254 



APPENDIX C 



XII. Value of Imports, 1897 



Articles 



Value Goods 
Paying Duty 



Value Goods 

Free 

by Treaty 



Value Goods 

Free 
by Civil Code 



Total 



Ale, porter, beer, cider . . . 

Animals and birds 

Building materials 

Clothing, hats, boots 

Coal and coke 

Crockery, glassware, lamps, etc. . 

Drugs, surgical instruments, and 

dental materials 

[ cottons 

J linens 

Dry goods \ silks 

I woollens 

[ mixtures . . . . 

Fancy goods, millinery, etc. . . 

Fertilizer, bonemeal, etc 

Fish (dried and salt) 

Flour 

Fruits (fresh) 

Furniture 

Grain and feed 

Groceries and provisions .... 

Guns and gun materials . . . . 

Gunpowder 

Hardware, agricultural imple- 
ments, and tools 

Iron, steel, etc 

Jewelry, plate, clocks 

Leather 

Lumber 

Machinery 

Matches 

Musical instruments 

Naval stores 

Oils (cocoanut, kerosene, whale, 
etc ) 

Paints, paint oil, and turpentine . 

Perfumery and toilet articles . . 

Railroad materials, rails, cars, etc. 

Saddlery, carriages, and materials 

Sheathing metal 

Shooks, bags, and containers . 

Spirits 

Stationery and books 

Tea 

Tin, tinware, and materials . . . 

Tobacco, cigars, etc 

Wines (light) 

Sundry personal and household 
effects 

Sundry merchandise not included 
in the above 

Charges on invoices 

25 % added on uncertified invoices 

Discounts 

Total at Honolulu 

Total at Hilo 

Total at Kahului 

Total at Mahukona 

Value goods in bond, net . . . . 

Total Hawaiian Islands . . . . 
Specie 



$81,076 75 

940 28 

93,948 25 

141,786 55 

48,973 19 

74,587 74 
100,283 08 
21,235 27 
24,349 70 
7*,9 2 3 36 
26,662 62 
110,188 87 

33,415 « 
4,993 86 
i,55i 21 

40,981 97 

26 93 

236,056 31 

11.813 61 

15.814 66 

70,400 53 

12,216 46 

3o,549 83 

1,761 03 

3,7i5 55 

102,265 49 

1,083 45 

5,206 66 

8,071 40 

24,104 91 
64,845 78 
13,523 66 
59,438 62 
70,712 66 

205,749 93 
2,083 93 
14,145 20 
33,882 32 
11,158 97 
32,276 40 
57,476 87 

4,444 70 

129,405 16 

66,633 87 

1,087 32 



3100,583 05 

74,656 10 

225,167 74 

4,953 91 



241,126 77 



8,596 91 
849 79 

16,768 39 

76,412 57 

226,277 99 

15,144 92 

63,417 5i 

368,808 82 

371,567 64 

3,674 57 



320,214 12 
45,972 86 

41,248 34 
285,027 65 
484,927 38 

12,665 37 

10,833 ° 2 
50,434 38 

70,623 49 
2,160 05 
7,759 02 

56,879 92 

53,663 18 
1,254 38 

14,037 56 

77,206 80 



139,467 79 



71,089 47 
32,057 96 



$10 00 

4,042 54 

1,253 69 

3,477 25 

I3i,5i5 56 

255 4i 

153 50 
n 13 



965 24 

369 00 

402,756 25 



5 00 

1,296 00 

116 69 

1,876 26 

662 42 

630 39 

14,921 80 

8,473 42 

580 00 

125 76 

8,230 95 

925 00 

20,651 01 



941 84 
612 97 



3,314 10 

696 44 

14,229 34 

188 08 

7,158 31 

411 10 

989 90 

79,763 38 



21,877 42 
2,060 48 



$81,068 75 
105,565 87 
169,858 04 
370,431 54 
136,469 47 
49,229 25 

74,741 50 

341,420 98 

21,235 27 

24,349 70 

81,485 51 

27,512 41 

127,326 26 

402,756 25 

109,827 68 

231,271 85 

16,701 13 

105,695 48 

368,952 44 

609,500 21 

16,150 60 

16,445 05 

405-536 45 
66,662 74 
3i,i 2 9 83 
43,009 37 
288,868 96 
595,423 82 
13,748 82 
16,964 68 
79,i56 79 

95,670 24 

67,618 80 

21,282 68 

116,318 54 

127,689 94 

1,950 82 

234,016 83 

2,272 01 

98,510 31 

33,882 32 

11,570 07 

172,734 09 

137,240 25 

46,665 27 

222,372 05 

102,053 31 

1,087 3 2 



$2,166,850 02 
15,916 03 



$3,575,529 47 
2,488 52 



$777,768 20 
166 12 



$6,520,147 64 
18,570 67 



$2,150,933 93 
43,196 12 
30,077 74 
10,028 54 



$3,573,040 90 
384,728 47 
227,700 50 
133,474 43 



$777,602 08 
122,299 49 
58,608 20 
31,662 66 



$6,538,718 31 
550,224 08 
316,386 44 
175,165 63 
139,274 97 



$2,234,256 39 



$4,318,944 30 



$990,172 43 
i,i55,575 00 



$7,682,628 09 



APPENDIX C 



255 



XIII. Annual Trade Balance, etc., since 1880 



Year 


Imports 


Exports 


Excess Export 
Values 


Custom House 
Receipts 


1880 


$3,673,268 41 


$4,968,444 87 


$1,295,176 46 


$402,l8l 63 


l88l 


4,547,978 64 


6,885,436 56 


2,337,457 92 


423,192 OI 


1882 


4,974,510 01 


8,299,016 70 


3,324,506 69 


505,390 98 


1883 


5,624,240 09 


8,133,343 88 


2,509,103 79 


577,332 87 


1884 


4,637,514 22 


8,856,610 30 


4,219,096 08 


55^736 59 


1885 


3,830,544 58 


9,158,818 01 


5,328,273 43 


502,337 38 


1886 


4,877,738 73 


10,565,885 58 


5,688,146 85 


580,444 04 


1887 


4,943,840 72 


9,707,047 33 


4,763,206 61 


595,002 64 


1888 


4,540,887 46 


11,707,598 76 


7,166,711 30 


546,142 63 


1889 


5,438,790 63 


13,874,341 4o 


8,435,560 77 


550,010 16 


1890 


6,962,201 13 


13,142,829 48 


6,180,628 35 


695,956 91 


189I 


7,439,482 65 


10,258,788 27 


2,819,305 62 


732,594 93 


1892 


4,028,295 31 


8,060,087 21 


4,031,791 90 


494,385 10 


1893 


4,363,177 58 


10,818,158 09 


6,454,980 51 


545,754 16 


1894 


5,104,481 43 


9,140,794 56 


4,036,313 13 


522,855 41 


1895 


5,339,785 04 


8,474,138 15 


3,134,353 11 


547,149 04 


1896 


6,063,652 41 


15,515,230 13 


9,451,577 72 


656,895 82 


1897 


7,682,628 09 


16,021,775 19 


8,339, J 47 10 


708,493 05 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

In preparing this volume, I have made use of the following 
works, besides various books and articles to which reference is 
made in foot-notes : — 

I. General 

Standard works on anthropo-geography, anthropology, ethnology, 
demography, Kulturgeschichte, etc. 

II. Travels 

James Cook and James King, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. 3 vols. 

London, 1784. 
George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery, etc. 3 vols. London, 

I798. 

Nathaniel Portlock, A Voyage round the World, etc. London, 1 789. 

John Meares, Voyages made in the Years 1788 and 1789, etc. Lon- 
don, 1790. 

R. J. Cleveland, A Narrative of Voyages and Commercial Enterprises, 
etc. (1799 and 1803). 2 vols. Cambridge, Mass., 1842. 

W. R. Broughton, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific 
Ocean. London, 1804. 

J. Lisianski, A Voyage round the World, etc. London, 18 14. 

A. Campbell, A Voyage round the World, etc. Edinburgh, 1816^ 

G. F. Mathison, Narrative of a Voyage to Brazil, etc. London, 1825. 

W. Ellis, Narrative of a Tour through Hawaii, or Owhyhee. Lon- 
don, 1826. 

W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, etc. 2 vols. London, 1829. 

F. W. Beechey, Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific, etc. Phila- 
delphia, 1832. 

s 257 



J 



258 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

W. S. W. Ruschenberger^A Voyage round the World. Philadelphia, 

1838. 
Charles Wilkes, Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition. 5 vols. 

Philadelphia, 1845. 
"Haole," Sandwich Islands Notes. New York, 1854. 
H. T. Cheever, The Island World of the Pacific. New York, 1856. 
H. T. Cheever, Life in the Sandwich Islands, etc. New York, 1851. 
Charles Nordhoff, Northern California, Oregon, and the Sandwich 

Islands. New York, 1874. 
George Leonard Chaney, "Aloha." Boston, 1880. 
Isabella Bird, Six Months among the Palm Groves, Coral Reefs, and 

Volcanoes of the Sandwich Islands. New York, 1881. 
J. R. Musick, Hawaii, Our New Possessions^ New York, 1898. 

. III. Histories and Biographies 

Pupils of Mission Seminary, Moolelo Hawaii (Hawaiian History). 

2d edition, ed. J. F. Pogue. Honolulu, 1858. 
The Same, in part, in " Hawaiian Spectator." Vol. ii. Honolulu, 

1839. 
C. S. Stewart, A Residence in the Sandwich Islands. 5th edition, 

enlarged. Boston, 1839. 
Alexander Simpson, The Sandwich Islands : Progress of Events 

since their Discovery, etc. London, 1843. 
Sheldon Dibble, History of the Sandwich Islands. Lahainaluna, 1843^ 
James Jackson Jarves, History of the Sandwich Islands. 3d edition. 

Honolulu, 1847. 
Hiram Bingham, A Residence of Twenty- one Years in the Sandwich 

Islands. Hartford, i848 s 
M. Jules R£my, Recits d'un Vieux Sauvage pour servir a l'Histoire 

Ancienne dje Hawaii. Chalons-sur-Marne, 1859^. 
Rufus Anderson, The Hawaiian Islands : Their Progress and Condi- 
tion under Missionary Labors. Boston, 1864. 
T. N. Staley (Bishop), Five Years' Church Work in the Kingdom 

of Hawaii. London, 1868. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 259 

Manley Hopkins, Hawaii : The Past, Present, and Future of Its 
Island Kingdom. 2d edition. New York, 1869. 

Rufus Anderson, History of the Sandwich Island Mission. Boston, 
1870. 

Laura Fish Judd, Honolulu ; Sketches of Life, Social, Political, and 
Religious, in the Hawaiian Islands from 1828 to 1861, — with a 
supplementary sketch of more recent events. New York, 1880, 

Abraham Fornander, An Account of the Polynesian Race, etc. 
2 vols. London, 1878 and 1880. 

Lucy G. Thurston, Life and Times. Ann Arbor, 1882. 

Titus Coan, Life in Hawaii. New York, 1882^ 

L B. Coan, Titus Coan, A Memorial. Chicago, 1884. 

W. D. Alexander, A Brief History of the Hawaiian People. Pub- 
lished by order of the Board of Education of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom. New York, 189 1 and 1898. 

A Sketch of Recent Events, etc. Honolulu, 1887. 

Two Weeks of Hawaiian History ; a Brief Sketch of the 

Revolution of 1893. Honolulu, 1893. 

Henry E. Chambers, Constitutional History of Hawaii. Johns Hop- 
kins University Studies. Baltimore, 1896^ 

Edmund Janes Carpenter, America in Hawaii. Boston, 1899, 

W. Ellis, Article " Hawaii," in Eighth edition Encyclopaedia Britan- 
nica. 

W. Ellis, Article "Polynesia," in Ninth edition Encyclopaedia Britan- 
nica. 

Articles on " Hawaii " in successive volumes of Appleton's 

Annual Encyclopaedia. 



IV. Periodicals 

The Missionary Herald. Boston, 1819-1899. 
The Friend. Honolulu, 1 844-1 899. 

The Sandwich Islands Gazette and Journal of Commerce. Hono- 
lulu, 1836-1839. 
The Hawaiian Spectator. Honolulu, 1838, 1839. 



260 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The Convention ; eighteen numbers, reporting debates of Constitu- 
tional Convention. Honolulu, 1864. 

The Handicraft, a journal representing the Kamehameha Schools. 
Honolulu, 1 89 1. 

The Hawaiian Gazette. Honolulu, 1892-1899. 

V. Government Publications 

A. Hawaiian 

Translation of the Constitution and Laws of the Hawaiian Islands, 
etc. Lahainaluna, 1842. 

Statute Laws of His Majesty Kamehameha III., etc. 2 vols. Hono- 
lulu, 1846, 1847. 

Civil Code. Honolulu, 1859. 

Penal Code. Honolulu, 1869. 

Compiled Laws. Honolulu, 1884. 

Acts of the Provisional Government. Honolulu, 1893. 

Constitution and Laws of the Republic. Honolulu, 1894. 

Civil Laws, and Penal Laws (Ballou). Honolulu, 1897. 

Hawaiian Reports — Supreme Court. Honolulu, 184 7-1 89 7. 

Reports of the General Superintendent of the Census, 1890 and 1896. 

Reports of the Minister of the Interior ; the Minister of Finance ; 
the Minister of Foreign Affairs ; the Finance Committee, and 
the Minister of Finance ; the Auditor General ; the Attorney 
General ; the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court j the President 
of the Bureau of Immigration ; the President of the Board of 
Education, and the Minister of Public Instruction ; the Presi- 
dent of the Board of Health. 

B. American 

A Digest of the International Law of the United States (Wharton). 

3 vols. 1886. 
Papers Relative to the Annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the 

United States. 1893. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 26 1 

House Executive Documents, 2d session, 53d Congress (1893-1894). 

Vol. xxvii., including the " Blount Report." 1895. 
Senate Reports, same session, vol. ii., "Hawaiian Islands." 1895. 
Report of the Hawaiian Commission. 1898. 

VI. Miscellaneous 

T. G. Thrum, Hawaiian Almanac and Annual. 25 vols. Honolulu, 

1875-1899. 
Papers by the Hawaiian Historical Society ; viz. : — 

1. W. D. Alexander, The Relations between the Hawaiian 

Islands and Spanish America in Early Times. 

2. J. S. Emerson, The Lesser Hawaiian Gods. 

3. S. B. Dole, Evolution of Hawaiian Land Tenures. 
4. , Early Voyagers of the Pacific Ocean. 

5. N. B. Emerson, The Long Voyages of the Ancient 

Hawaiians. 

6. W. D. Alexander, The Proceedings of the Russians on 

Kauai, 1 814-18 16. 

7. W. F. Frear, The Evolution of the Hawaiian Judiciary. 

8. James Hunnewell, Honolulu in 181 7 and 1818. 

9. W. D. Alexander, The Uncompleted Treaty of Annexation 

of 1854. 

Annual Reports of the Hawaiian Historical Society, 1 893-1 896. 

A. von Chamisso, Ueber die Hawaiische Sprache. Leipzig, 1837. 

Lorrin Andrews, Grammar of the Hawaiian Language. Honolulu, 
1854. 

Sir George Grey, Polynesian Mythology. London, 1855. 

James Jackson Jarves, Kiana : a Tradition of Hawaii. Boston, 1857. 

A. F. Peabody, The Hawaiian Islands as Developed by Missionary 
Labors. Boston, 1865. 

W. Ellis, The American Mission in the Sandwich Islands : a Vindi- 
cation and an Appeal^ London, 1866. 

E. P. Bond, et al., Hawaiian Club Papers. Boston, 1868. 

Georg Gerland, Ueber das Aussterben der Naturvolker. Leipzig, 
1868. 



262 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Carl E. Meinicke, Die Inseln des Stillen Oceans, Zweiter Theil. 
Leipzig, 1876. 

Theodor Waitz u. Georg Gerland, Anthropologic der Naturvolker. 
6 Bande, Zweite Aufgabe. Leipzig, 1877. 

Adolf Bastian, Die heilige Sage der Polynesier. Leipzig, 1881. 

Adolf Bastian, Zur Kenntniss Hawaii's v Berlin, 1883. 

Francis Wayland, On Certain Anomalies in Criminal Jurisprudence. 
In second and third Annual Report of the National Prison Asso- 
ciation. Boston, 1886. 

R. Neuhaus, Die Hawaii Inseln, in " Sammlung gemeinverstandlicher 
wissenschaftlicher Vortrage." Berlin, 1886. 

Jubilee Celebration of the Arrival of the Missionary Rein- 
forcement of 1837. Honolulu, 1887. 

Kalakaua, The Legends and Myths of Hawaii^ New York, 1888. 

J. L. Stevens and W. B. Oleson, Picturesque Hawaii v Philadelphia, 
1894. 

C. T. Rodgers, Education in the Hawaiian Islands. Honolulu, 1897. 

Lorrin A. Thurston, A Hand-Book on the Annexation of Hawaii. 

Liliuokalani, Hawaii's Story, by Hawaii's Queen v Boston, 1898. 

Mary H. Krout, Hawaii and a Revolution., New York, 1898. 

Mahan, Melville, Schofield, Belknap, and Dupont, Is Hawaii of 
Strategic Value to the United States ? Washington, 1898. 

Thirty-eighth Annual Report of the Hawaiian Evangelical 

Association. Honolulu, 1898. 

Philip L. Weaver, A Sketch of the Evolution of Allodial Titles in 
Hawaii, in "Yale Law Journal" for June, 1898. New Haven, 
1898. 



INDEX 



Acclimatization, 230, 
Agriculture, 14, 54, 55, 183, 193. 
Alexander, W. D., 19, 23, 31, 38, 42, 43, 

55, 58, 101, 108, 125, 126, 144, 156, 

159, 180, 183, 223. 
Alexander, W. P., 212. 
Anderson, R., 53, 78, 85, 97, 127. 
Andrews, L., 18, 61. 
Annexation sentiment, 144, 191 ; treaty 
» of, 135, 136, 148. 
"Annual, Hawaiian," 9, 10, 46, 50, 103, 

189, 192, 194, 197, 221, 246. 
Armstrong, R., 94, 173, 174. 
Armstrong, S. C, 173, 179. 
Ashford, C. W., 152. 
Ashford, V. V., 124. 
Atkinson, A. T., 210. 
Awa, 55. 

Baldwin, D., 224. 

Bastian, A., 31. 

Beechey, F. W., n, 81. 

Bicknell, J., 90. 

Bingham, H., 81. 

Birth-rate, 211, 248. 

Bishop Museum, 177. 

Bishop, S. E., 88, 226. 

Blount, J. H., 136, 149, 2IO. 

"Blount Report," 93, 124, 1 28, 129, 

130, 131, 137, 144, 161, 175, 177, 203, 

227. 
"Blue Book," 100, 101, 106, 112, 170. 
Bow and arrow, 30. 
Breadfruit, 10. 
Brigham, W. T., 54, 177. 
Broca, P., 214. 
Broughton, W. R., 70. 
Brown, J. F., 162. 
Byron, Lord, 105, 157. 



Carpenter, E. J., 144. 

Castle, J. B., 205. 

Cattle, 13, 68. 

Chastity, 52, 98, 1 16, 213, 216. 

Cheever, H. T., 213. 

Chiefs, power of, 22; superiority of, 16. 

Chinese, 148, 175, 176, 194, 197, 198, 

200, 205, 219, 225, 229, 246, 247. 
"Citizens' Committee of Safety," 132. 
Classes, 21. 
Cleveland, G., 136. 
Cleveland, R. J., 70. 
Climate, 7. 
Clothing, 53, 222. 
Coan, L. B., 181. 
Coan, T., 80, 85, 87, 1 1 8, 119, 158, 159, 

186, 215, 220, 223. 
Coan, T. M., 223. 
Coffee, 192. 
Commerce, 55. 

Commissioners, Hawaiian, 148, 149. 
Common Law, English, 121, 152. 
Constitution, First, 108, 157; Second, 

121; Third, 123; Fourth, 125, 130; 

Fifth, 139, 149. 
Contract labor, 151,199, 205, 206, 207, 

230. 
Cook, J., 17, 20, 33, 40, 52, 54, 62, 64, 

208. 
Corporations, 191. 
Corpulency, 12, 15. 
Councils, 24. 
Crime, 198. 
Customary Law, 27. 

Damon, S. M„ 128. 
Darwin, C, 45, 216. 
Davis, Isaac, 67. 
Death, 36. 



263 



264 



INDEX 



Death-rate, 218, 234. 

Decalogue, 105. 

Decay of population, 208. 

Dibble, S., 27, 29, 64, 79, 93, 105, 166, 

167. 
Dog, 11, 12. 
Dole, S. B., 133, 141, 143, 156, 162, 164, 

237- 
Donovan, T. M., 238. 
Drummond, H., 233. 

Education, 165, 178. 

Ellis, W., 18, 25, 29, 34, 37, 41, 42, 49, 

57, 97, 98, 209, 210. 
Emerson, J. S., 31, 32, 33, 43, 21 1, 216. 

Emma, 124, 169. 
England, Church of, 86. 
English language, 174. 
Environment, 5. 
Epidemics, 220. 
Equity jurisprudence, 152. 
Ewa plantation, 205. 
Exports, 184, 187, 252, 253. 

Family, 13, 44, 50, 84, 95, 105, 157, 199, 

248. 
Fauna, II. 

Feudal system, 59, 108. 
Field, Kate, 141. 
Field labor, 238. 
Finance, public, 25 1. 
Flora, 9. 

Food supply, 9, 12, 72. 
Forbes, A. O., 216. 
Fornander, A., 2, 4, 18, 20, 23, 27, 31, 

34, 46, 48, 50, 58, 174. 
Frear, W. F., 205, 230. 
Freycinet, Captain, 71, 84. 
"Friend, The," 63, 99, 127, 162, 221, 

224. 

Game, 13. 

Games, 56. 

" Gazette, Hawaiian," 88, 203. 

Gentile organization, 13, 21. 

Gerland, G., 208, 219. 

Giles, G. M., 237. 

Gulick, C. T., 130, 143. 

Hale Nana Society, 89. 



"Haole," II, 15,80, 98, 173. 

Harrison, B., 135, 139. 

Hartwell, A. S., 152. 

Hawaiian Islands, 5, 7. 

Hawaiian language, 18. 

Hawaiian race, 3. 

Hawaiians, physical traits of, 14. 

Hawaiians, psychical traits of, 16, 166, 

177,228. 
Hillebrand, W., 224. 
Hoapili, 166. 
Hoffman, F. L., 216, 234. 
Hog, 11. 

Hopkins, M., no. 
Houses, 55, 186, 223. 
Hui Kalaiaina, 130. 
Hula-hula, 57, 2>?>, 89. 
Human sacrifices, 35. 
Huth, A. J., 97, 211. 
Hyde, C. M., 46, 167, 168, 177. 

Ideas, influence of, 78. 
Idolatry, 33, 72. 
Ii, John, no, 165. 
Illiteracy, 176, 250. 
Imitation, influence of, 85. 
Immigration, 194, 202. 
Implements, 54, 184, 186. 
Imports, 184, 254. 
Industries, 53, 180, 249. 
Infanticide, 49. 
Insanity, 33. 
Insular position, 5, 21. 
Intemperance, 72, 99, 103, 221. 
Iolani College, 176. 

Japanese, 175, 176, 195, 196, 198, 200, 

219, 229, 246, 247. 
Jarves, J. J., 35, 40, 63, 106, 213. 
Judd, A. J., 104, 131, 150, 155, 198. 
Judd, G. P., 102. 
Judd, Mrs. G. P., 42, 71, 80, 96, 100, 118, 

166, 180. 
Judiciary, character of, 154. 
Jury, 105, in, 150, 156. 
Justice, 28. 

Kaahumanu, 84, 167, 168. 
Kahi, A., 125. 



INDEX 



265 



Kahuna, 89, 90, 211, 226. 
Kalaimoku, 84, 157. 
Kalakaua, 20, 88, 90, 124, 125, 127, 169. 
Kamehameha I., 1, 60, 69, 99, 157. 
Kamehameha II., 11, 72, S3, 99, 157. 
Kamehameha III., 84, 100, 106, 1 10, 122, 

194. 
Kamehameha IV., 20, 122, 169, 194. 
Kamehameha V., 87, 88, 122, 169, 195. 
Kamehameha schools, 176. 
Kapiolani Home, 226. 
Kaunamano, 88. 
Keopuolani, 84. 
Kidd, B., 230. 
Krout, Mary H., 226. 
Kuhina Nui, 122, 123. 
"Kumu Hawaii," 169, 183. 

"Lama Hawaii," 169. 

Land titles, 25, 120, 156, 248. 

Lander, R. and J., 40. 

Laws, 26, 105, no, 119, 151. 

League, Hawaiian Patriotic, 92, 128, 

203. 
Le Bon, 17, 85. 
Lee, W. L., 94, 98, 121. 
Legends, 1, 18. 
Leprosy, 223. 
Liliuokalani, 20, 89, 90, 129, 131, 142, 

148, 169. 
Liquor traffic. See Intemperance. 
Lubbock, J., 45, 50, 218. 
Lunalilo, 124, 169. 

McCully, L., 153. 
Mackenzie, M., 223. 
" McKinley Bill," 190. 
Maigret, Bishop, 159. 
Makahiki festival, 56, 72. 
Malaria, 233. 
Malo, David, 20, no. 
Marin, F. de P., 71, 180. 
Markham, C. R., 236. 
Marriage. See Family, Chastity. 
Mathison, G. F., 83. 
Mele, 18, 50. 
Metcalf, Captain, 67. 
Military organization, 29. 
Mills Institute, 176. 



Missions, American Board of Commis- 
sioners for Foreign, 76, 85, 181, 183. 

Missionaries, American, 1, 76, 105, 165, 
180, 186, 237, 244. 

" Missionary Herald," 21, 84, 85,95, 96, 
97, 105, 161, 166, 180, 182, 183, 184, 
185, 186, 213. 

"Missionary Party," 123, 124, 130. 

Moore, W., 232, 235. 

Morgan, L. H., 21, 46. 

Mormons, 92. 

Mourning customs, 39. 

Municipal government, 150. 

Music, 20. 

Mutilations, 39. 

Negro, 118, 139, 179, 203, 216, 233. 
" Newlands Joint Resolution," 149. 
Nobles, 24, 108, 127. 
Notter, J. L., 235. 
Noxious animals, 13. 

Oahu College 1 76. 

Oleson, W. B., 90, 94, 125, 179, 204, 205, 

216. 
"Organic Acts," 120, 122, 158. 

Paganism, reviving, 88, 93. 

" Paulet episode," 119. 

Pearson, C. H., 231. 

Peschel, O., 10. 

Pickering, C, 7, 17. 

Picture rocks.. 18. 

Poi, 10, 51. 

" Polynesian, The," 170. 

Portuguese, 175, 176, 195, 197, 198, 219, 

225, 229, 246, 247. 
Priesthood, 35. 
Printing, 166, 184. 
Provisional Government, 132, 133, 137. 

Queensland, 238. 

Ratzel, F., 208, 233. 
Rebellion of 1895, ! 4 2 - 
Reciprocity treaty, 190. 
Religion, 31, 75, 91, 250. 
Renk, F., 220. 
"Reports," Hawaiian, 156. 



266 



INDEX 



Republic of Hawaii, 142. 

Revivals, religious, 84, 185. 

Richards, W., 94, 96, 105, no, 121, 

173. 
Ricord, J., 118, 121, 152. 
Rights, Bill of, 106, 117, 157. 
Ripley, W. Z., 231. 
Roman Catholic Church, 86. 

St. Julian, C, 194. 

St. Louis College, 176. 

Sandalwood, 114, 187. 

Sandwich, Lord, 62. 

" Sandwich Islands Gazette," 169. 

Schools, public, 170. 

Schurman, J. G., 46. 

Scott, M. M., 124. 

Senate Report, 1893-1894, 131, 179. 

Smith, W. O., 225. 

Spanish influence, 63. 

" Spectator, Hawaiian," 15, 169. 

Spencer, H., 8, 38, 45, 50, 52. 

Staley, T. N., 87. 

" Star, Hawaiian," 207. 

Steinmetz, S. R., 50. 

Stevens, J. L., 132, 135. 

Stevenson, R. L., 226. 

Stewart, C. S., 23, 26, 36, 79, 95, 165. 

Stokvis, B. J., 236. 

Strzelecki, P. E. de, 214. 

Sugar, 189, 196, 203. 

Tabu system, I, 41, 50, 73, 1 14, 1 16; 

meetings, 93. 
Taro, 9, 10. 



Taxation, 25, 1 12, 172. 

Temperature, influence of, 9, 232. 

Temples, 34, 51, 64. 

Theft, 72, 94. 

Thurston, A., 165. 

Thurston, L. A., 141. 

Topinard, P., 14, 15, 209, 221. 

Tropics, 8, 229. 

"Turpie Resolution," 138. 

Tylor, E. B., 24. 

Vancouver, G., 43, 52, 57, 68, 83, 209. 
Van der Burg, C. L., 235. 
Venereal disease, 65, 95, 214, 220. 

Waitz,T., 53. 

Waitz u. Gerland, 78. 

War, influence of, 22, 29, 59. 

Ward, L. F., 77. 

Wayland, F., 155. 

Weapons, 29. 

Weisbach, A., 14. 

Westermarck, E., 16, 47, 50, 52. 

Whaling, 188. 

White man in tropics, 229. 

Whiting, W. A., 153. 

Whitmee, S. J., 3, 46. 

Whitney, S., 212. 

" Wilcox Rebellion," 128. 

Wilkes, C, 19, 50, 79, 80, 81, 82, 106, 

109, 212. 
Woman, status of, 51. 
Wyllie, R. C, 94, 180. 

Young, J., 67, 83. 



THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 

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BY 



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Assistant Professor of Zoology, University of Michigan. 
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